Figures never lie, but liars sure do figure.
The availability of legal abortion is a vital necessity for women's
health, because thousands of women died of illegal abortions every
year in this country before the Supreme Court's Roe v. Wade
decision. If we turn the clock back to the days when women were forced
to seek out back-alley butchers, our emergency rooms will once again
overflow with desperate women who have been mangled by quacks and 'home
remedies.' We will never go back to the days when women died of
unsafe, illegal abortions!
Besides, abortion is six [ten, twelve, twenty, pick a number] times
safer than childbirth.
Lies in the United States.
The Big Myth.
Without question, the most effective lie the pro-abortion movement
used to obtain abortion on demand in this and other countries was the
allegation that thousands of women died of illegal, unsanitary abortions
each year before the procedure was legalized.
However, a simple statistical analysis shows that pro-abortionists
are lying about illegal abortion deaths all over the world.
The Pro-Abortionists Admit the Lie.
The legend of thousands of women dying of illegal abortions has been
a devastatingly effective propaganda instrument in the past, and is now
being used in the fight by pro-abortion groups to keep baby-killing
legal in this country.
However, no evidence exists to support this spurious claim. For
example, Dr. Bernard Nathanson, one of the founders of the National
Abortion Rights Action League (NARAL), and the former owner of the
largest abortion clinic in the world (the Center for Reproductive and
Sexual Health, or C*R*A*S*H) states in a quote widely used by pro-lifers
to highlight the dishonesty of pro-abortionists;
How many deaths were we talking about when abortion was illegal? In
NARAL [the National Abortion Rights Action League], we generally
emphasized the frame of the individual case, not the mass statistics,
but when we spoke of the latter it was always '5,000 to 10,000 deaths
a year.' I confess that I knew the figures were totally false, and I
suppose the others did too if they stopped to think of it. But in the
'morality' of our revolution, it was a useful figure, widely accepted,
so why go out of our way to correct it with honest statistics? The
overriding concern was to get the laws eliminated, and anything within
reason that had to be done was permissible.
And pro-abortion propagandist Marian Faux confirms the lie in her
recent book Roe v. Wade; "An image of tens of thousands of
women being maimed or killed each year by illegal abortion was so
persuasive a piece of propaganda that the [pro-abortion] movement could
be forgiven its failure to double-check the facts."
Malcolm Potts, one of the original international activists who helped
spread abortion throughout the world, claimed that "Those who want
the [abortion] law to be liberalized will stress the hazards of illegal
abortion and claim that hundreds, or thousands, of women die
unnecessarily each year when the actual number is far lower."
Even the Neofeminist "Bible," Sisterhood is Powerful,
recognized that "A study made in the 1930s, before the development
of antibiotics made even illegal abortion less deadly than it used to
be, came up with this number of 10,000 deaths; but it is no longer
anywhere near the truth and has no place in any serious discussion of
The "Official" Figures.
According to the United States Bureau of Vital Statistics and the
Centers for Disease Control, the last time 1,000 women died of illegal
abortions in the United States was in the year before penicillin became
widely available to the public in 1942. In the ten years preceding Roe
v. Wade, deaths ranged from 90 to 150 per year.
Note that the table below shows a steady decline in abortion deaths
from 1942 on, finally stabilizing at about 30 per year in 1976. This
decline is clearly unrelated to the legal status of abortion. It is
critical to note that the most impressive drop in abortion mortality was
prior to legalization. This steady trend reflects advances in
medicine and the introduction of safer abortion techniques, both legal
MATERNAL DEATHS ATTRIBUTABLE TO ABORTION IN THE UNITED STATES,
1942 TO 1984: THE "OFFICIAL" FIGURES
Reference: Centers for Disease Control,
Abortion Surveillance Unit. Quoted in Matthew J. Bulfin, M.D.
"Deaths and Near Deaths with Legal Abortions." Presented at
the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists Convention at
Disney World, Florida, October 28, 1975.
It is also important to note that the death rates for legal
abortions in European countries were virtually identical to the death
rates for illegal abortions in the United States. Since legal
abortions in Europe were performed under the best prevailing conditions
at the time, we must conclude that the vast majority of illegal
abortions performed in the U.S. took place under similar favorable and
sanitary conditions, not seedy back-alley abortion mills, as described
later in this chapter.
The actual maternal death rates for abortions in three countries in
the late 1940s were;
Sweden (legal), 250 per
Denmark (legal), 195 per 100,000,
U.S. (illegal), 165 per
The argument most often used by anti-life groups against these
"official" illegal abortion-death figures is that almost all
of the deaths caused by illegal abortion before 1973 were not reported
or properly documented.
However, this obviously cannot be the case. When a woman died of a
botched or self-inflicted illegal abortion before 1973, the cause of
death became quite obvious during an autopsy, and this type of death was
officially recorded as such by a physician who had no personal interest
in the case and had no reason to falsify the death certificate. Illegal
abortion deaths were always reported to the Bureau of Vital
Statistics of the U.S. Public Health Department. In fact, many
physicians who wanted to see abortion legalized went public with such
deaths in order to push for abortion law reform or repeal.
The abortion-death reporting situation is now exactly the opposite of
what it was before abortion was legalized. Instead of being properly
reported, many abortion-caused deaths are covered up for obvious
reasons. The abortionists are now a very well-protected part of the
medico-legal "system" despite their "untouchable"
status, because they are the garbagemen of the medical profession. They
dispose of unwanted human beings, and their filthy business is
considered vital to the welfare of society by modern-day utilitarians.
Many abortion-caused deaths are quickly and efficiently attributed to
other causes, as described later in this chapter.
Dr. Nathanson's figure of "5,000 to 10,000 abortion deaths
annually" is still commonly used by the National Abortion Rights
Action League and other nationally-based pro-abortion groups.
However, this statement can be disproved by using NARAL's own
In its June 1978 A Speaker's and Debater's Notebook, NARAL
quotes an illegal abortion maternal death rate of 40 per 100,000, and a
total of 200,000 illegal abortions before Roe v. Wade. These
figures are confirmed by the most experienced abortion statistician in
the country Dr. Christopher Tietze of the Population Council who
believed that the illegal abortion death rate was 50 to 100 deaths per
Statistically, this can mean only one of two things;
(1) NARAL is admitting that there were only about 80 annual deaths
due to illegal abortion before Roe v. Wade (i.e., 200,000
illegal abortions times 40 deaths per 100,000). This agrees almost
perfectly with the Centers for Disease Control figure of 90 fatalities
in 1972. Either this number is correct,
(2) using the maternal death ratios given above (40 per 100,000)
and NARAL's claimed 5,000 to 10,000 annual maternal deaths, this means
that there were from 12.5 million to 25 million illegal
abortions annually in the United States before Roe v. Wade, an
Of the above two choices, it is perfectly obvious that option (1) is
the only one that can possibly be correct; there were about 80 to 90
maternal deaths annually from illegal abortion before Roe v. Wade.
This figure is supported by the famous 'sexologist' Dr. Alfred
Kinsey, who found that, before legalization, more than 90 percent of all
abortions in the United States were performed by licensed physicians in
clinics that rivaled hospitals in terms of cleanliness, expertise, and
Legal, But Not So Safe.
Traditionally, the medical profession has been unwilling to present
concrete facts to the public concerning the possible dangers
associated with various procedures. Perhaps it is now time for doctors
to be more open and honest and to encourage better education of the
community. The general public should be allowed to know that
mid-trimester abortions are not simple, safe procedures and that they
may carry a significant risk, not only of morbidity, but of death.
"Midtrimester Abortion and Its
Complications." Editorial in the Medical Journal of Australia,
January 22, 1977, page 38.
The Real Reason for Legalization.
As stated above, the primary reason pro-abortionists alleged that
they wanted to reform or repeal abortion laws was that maternal health
was at stake.
However, the true primary objective for getting rid of
abortion laws was far different. Pro-abortionists hoped to eliminate
laws, not to defuse the danger of back-alley abortionists, but to codify
existing practice in order to allow doctors to more easily obtain
insurance and legal coverage. In other words, the great 'reform or
repeal' effort was strictly a business move.
As psychiatrist Dr. Jerome Kummer acknowledged, "Proposed
legislation to change existing abortion laws is merely codifying that
which reputable physicians, and I'll use that word again reputable
physicians in some of our leading hospitals have been doing for a good
Upon legalization, the abortion entrepreneurs immediately saw their
chance. The following remarks by Dr. Bernard Nathanson, former operator
of the world's largest abortion clinic, are extracted from the minutes
of the May 12, 1972 annual meeting of the executive board of the
National Association for the Repeal of Abortion Laws (now the National
Abortion Rights Action League). Dr. Nathanson is referring to the legal
abortion clinics that sprouted like mushrooms in New York City
immediately after legalization.
These high-volume abortuaries committed a staggering 300,000
abortions in 1972 alone;
DR. BERNARD NATHANSON'S COMMENTS ON EARLY LEGAL ABORTION CLINICS
"[Points made by] Bernard Nathanson, M.D., Chairman, NARAL
"Problems with Law and Clinics
"(a) Much money made kickbacks, stealing patients, etc. by
fly by night
"(b) Some unsafe practices brought on by greed.
"(d) State and City lax in enforcing health codes and
licensing of clinics. Of
the 30 clinics in New York [City], 25 are unlicensed and
financially, poor medically, 5 are licensed and
Two decades later, free-standing abortion clinics are still nothing
more than moneymaking machines for entrepreneurs. In 1985, 75 percent of
all abortions performed in the country took place in clinics that killed
1,000 or more preborn children per year. The two percent of clinics that
committed more than 5,000 abortions per year accounted for one-fifth of all
abortions in the country. Abortionists like Arnold Bickham, Edward
Allred, and Henry Morgentaler run chains of killing centers that have
made their owners millionaires many times over.
Here We Go Again!
In summary, illegal abortions were already being performed by the
hundreds of thousands before preborn killing was legalized, and doctors
just wanted to get out from under the pall of performing an illegal
procedure. So they, and their willing shills, made up stories about how
dangerous the abortions that they were performing really were.
This propaganda campaign worked so well that already the euthanasia
pushers are using essentially the same language. One doctor commented
that "Legalization [of euthanasia] will give security to doctors
and patients because they'll know their rights and it will take away
those behind-the-curtain cases."
It is obvious, from reading about the exploits of Dr. Jack ("The
Dripper") Kevorkian and others, that euthanasia is already a common
practice in this country. Will we legalize it in a few years by
willingly falling for the same line used by the pro-abortionists?
Reversing the Numbers.
Now that abortion is legal, pro-abortionists constantly understate
the number of women who die of legal abortions, in yet another
dishonest attempt to keep baby-killing an inseparable part of the
medical and social landscape.
Increasing Deaths Since 1973.
According to authoritative sources, there can be no question that the
number of severe injuries and deaths inflicted upon women by abortion
has been increasing since 1973 instead of decreasing.
The Commission on Professional and Hospital Activities found
that, in 1969, about 9,000 women were admitted to hospitals across the
United States for treatment of injuries directly caused by abortions.
In 1977, that figure had nearly doubled, to 17,000.
The famous Chicago Sun-Times "Abortion
Profiteers" series of December 1978 showed that 12 women had died
of 'safe and legal' abortions in Chicago during a single year in the
town's abortuaries, which performed about 30,000 abortions per year.
If this number is extrapolated to include the 1.5 million abortions
performed every year in the entire country, we arrive at a total of
600 women dying every year of 'safe and legal' abortions! Although the
actual number of maternal deaths is probably not this high, the true
figure is certainly higher than the "official" reported
figure of 15 to 20 annual deaths.
Figure 59-1 lists the names of nearly 200 women who have died of
'safe and legal' abortion since Roe v. Wade. Yet the
pro-abortionists will not even acknowledge their deaths!
This shows just how much they care for 'women's rights.'
174 WOMEN WHO HAVE BEEN KILLED BY 'SAFE AND LEGAL' ABORTION
[A medium text size on your computer's 'view'
setting is recommended, otherwise, the tables may be discombobulated.]
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Eunice Agbagaa 26
Black 1/15/89 Brooklyn,
Mickey Apodaca 29 Hispanic
Raymond Des Moines
Showery Register, 5/5/84
Gloria Aponte 20
29 Black 12/3/77
Los Angeles, C. Eboreime
Myrta Baptiste 26 Hispanic
12/18/82 Miami, Unknown
Brenda Benton 35 Black
4/20/87 Chicago, Dusan Zivkovic
Janet Lally Blaum 37 White
Sidney Knight Jefferson Parish
Cassandra Blevins 20 Black
8/18/71 Los Angeles, Unknown
Diane Boyd 19
Black 10/23/81 St. Louis,
Robert Crist St. Louis
Dorothy Brown 37 Black
8/16/74 Chicago, Unknown
Belinda Byrd 37
Black 1/27/87 Los Angeles,
Stephen Pine LA County
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Marla Cardemone 18 White 8/16/89
Pittsburgh, PA Unknown
Geneva Calton 23 White
7/18/79 Atlanta, GA Unknown
Teresa Causey 17 Black
12/3/88 Macon, Joe McDaniel
Patricia Chacon 16 Hispanic
3/3/84 Los Angeles, Edward Allred Los Angeles
Sandra Chmiel 35 White
6/3/75 Chicago, Unknown
Times , 11/19/78
Lilina Cortez 22
Hispanic 9/25/86 Los Angeles,
Twila Coulter 21
White 11/15/72 Los Angeles, Unknown
26 White 2/25/80
Angel Dardie 22
Detroit, Youl Choi
Wayne Cty Ckt.
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Barbalee Davis 18 White
6/14/77 Granite Hector Zevallos
Margaret Davis 33 Black
7/15/72 Los Angeles, Christopher
Marina DeChapell 33 Black
Eduardo Miami Herald,
Synthia Dennard 24 Black
Inno Obasi Cook County
Lanice Dorsey 17
Anjelica Duarte 21 Hispanic
10/30/91 Las Vegas, Larry Thompson Las Vegas
Evelyn Dudley 38 Unknown
3/16/73 Chicago, Unknown
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Sherry Emry 26
32 Unknown 1980 Washington,
Milan Vuitch Washington
28 Hispanic 5/23/89 Bethesda,
Alan Ross The Wanderer,
Kansas Dennis Miller
Sharon Floyd 18 Black 4/28/75 Chicago,
Linda Fondren 21 Black 1/20/74 Chicago,
M. Pourtabib Chicago Sun-
Christella Forte 15 Black
1/14/86 Detroit, Unknown
18 Black 9/15/71
Los Angeles, Richard
Glenda Jean Fox 17 White
1/1989 Rochester, Morris Wortman
Josefina Garcia 37
Asian 5/23/85 Los Angeles,
Unknown S. LA County
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Kathleen Gilbert 29 White
5/2/85 Lincolnwood, David Turow
Maria Gomez 29
Hispanic 5/4/76 Compton,
John Blodgett LA County
32 Black 2/15/71
Los Angeles, W.W. Williams LA County
34 Black 7/15/89
Maryland M. Kioko Post, 8/13/1990
Arnetta Hardaway Unknown 12/24/85
Atlanta, Unknown American Rights
Wilma Harris 32
Black 6/20/74 Washington,
Milan Vuitch DC Circuit
Sheila Hebert 27
Baton Rouge, Unknown State Times &
8/14/86 Los Angeles, Mahlon
26 Hispanic 11/3/83
21 Black 7/21/71
Los Angeles, A. Mitchell LA County
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Denise Holmes 24
White 12/21/70 Los Angeles,
Edward LA County
24 Black 5/4/87
Dean Tulsa Tribune,
Unknown American Rights
Cora Mae Lewis 23 Black
12/3/83 Los Angeles, Unknown
22 White 8/12/70
Los Angeles, Unknown LA County
Deborah Lozinski 17 White
Cty. Sup. Ct.
21 White 8/3/91
New York, Unknown New York
Michelle Madden 18 White
Alabama Evan Register, 6/16/91
Sharon Margrove 25 White
5/21/70 Long Beach,
Unknown LA County
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Sophie McCoy 17
New York, Abu Hayat New York
Rita McDowell 16 Black
Lynn McNair 24
Black Unknown New York,
L. Rubin New York
Dawn Mendoza 28 Hispanic
6/29/88 Dobbs Ferry, L. Rubin
New York Post,
Natalie Meyers 16 White
10/27/72 Los Angeles, Unknown
Sandra Milton 28
Mitsue Mohar 31
Los Angeles, R. Baca
Rosie Montero 23 Hispanic
Unknown Miami Herald,
Denise Montoya 15 Hispanic 5/29/88
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Beverly Moore 15 Black
7/11/75 Chattanooga, Tucky
Sylvia Moore 18
Black 12/31/86 Chicago,
Maria Morales 25 Hispanic
Katherine Morse 20 White
9/3/72 Los Angeles, John DuPont
Kathy Murphy 17 Black
9/8/73 Los Angeles, John DuPont
25 Black 8/23/74 Lincolnwood,
David Turow Chicago
Joyce Ortenzio 32 White
8/8/88 Los Angeles , Ruben Marmet
Linda Padfield 28
Black 6/18/73 Rapid City,
Shirley Payne 33
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
43 Hispanic 12/16/86 Los Angeles, Edward
CA Allred County Coroner
Catherine Pierce 27 White
Dawn Ravenell 13
Black 2/11/85 New York
Unknown New York Post,
Erica Richardson 16 Black
3/1/89 Cheltenham, B. Laurel
20 White 3/28/73
Chicago, Unknown Chicago Sun-
La Sandra Ross 19 Black
12/15/71 Los Angeles, Unknown American Rights
Stacy Ruckman 23 Black
2/20/88 St. Louis,
Angela Satterfield 23 White
Dean American Rights
Angela Scott 19
Unknown 6/11/79 Atlanta,
Unknown NRL News,
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
34 White 3/7/78
Chicago, Unknown Chicago Sun-
Margaret Smith 25 Unknown
Jesse Ketchum v. Ward,
New York Ketchum
Laura Sorrels 30
Los Angeles, Unknown LA County
32 Hispanic 9/9/85
Los Angeles, Unknown LA County
Jennifer Suddeth 17 White
6/30/82 Los Angeles,
Frank LA County
Tami Suematsu 19 Asian
Yvonne Tanner 22 Black
8/14/84 Los Angeles,
Stephen LA County
Pine Superior Court
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Michelle Thames 18 Black
9/19/87 Los Angeles, Unknown
Ingrid Thomas 28 Black
Kanu Michigan Health
Magnolia Thomas 35 Black
Rudolph Cook County
Marlene Thomas 18 Unknown 7/21/70
Los Angeles, Unknown American Rights
Elizabeth Tsuji 21 Asian
2/2/78 Los Angeles, A. Jurewitz
Cheryl Tubbs 29
Los Angeles, R. Mitchell
Latachie Veal 17
Chicago, Robert Crist Pro-Life Action
Gail Ann Vroman 20 Unknown 7/18/79
Fort Wayne, Taksin
Lynette Wallace 22 Black
9/27/75 Los Angeles, Unknown
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Diane Watson 27
Robin Wells 27
R. Gaujean Summit
Eliza White 21
Chicago, Unknown American Rights
Ellen Williams 38 Black
Carole Wingo 22 Black
Unknown Detroit News,
Jane Roe No. 1 Unknown
7/18/79 Fort Wayne, Unknown
Jane Roe No. 2 Unknown 12/11/75
Boston, Unknown New England Jour.
Jane Roe No. 3 Unknown 6/29/88
Jane Roe No. 4 Unknown 12/8/88
Manhattan, Unknown ALL About Issues,
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Jane Roe No. 5 Unknown
4/1/78 Tennessee Unknown
Amer Journ of
OB/GYN, July 1979
Jane Roe No. 6 Unknown 11/15/72
Los Angeles, Unknown Amer Journ of
Jane Roe No. 7 Unknown 7/18/76
Chicago, Unknown Chicago Sun-Times,
Jane Roe No. 8 Unknown 10/14/75
Springfield, Unknown Chicago Sun-Times,
Jane Roe No. 9 Unknown 7/29/75
Champaign, Unknown Chicago Sun-Times,
Jane Roe No. 10 Unknown 11/24/77
Chicago, Unknown Chicago Sun-Times,
Jane Roe No. 11 Unknown 1986
Jane Roe No. 12 Unknown 1986
Jane Roe No. 13 Unknown 1980
Jane Roe No. 14 Unknown 1983
Jane Roe No. 15 14 Unknown 1985
Newark, E. Wyman Garrett Newark
Star Ledger, 2/1/1987
Age Race Date
of Place of
Abortionist Source of
Jane Roe No. 16 30 Unknown 3/1986
Newark, E. Wyman Garrett Newark
Star Ledger, 2/1/1987
Jane Roe No. 17 ("Patient E") 12/3/89 New York City
Andre NY State Ofc of
Jane Roe No. 18 ("Patient F") 12/15/89 New York City
Nehorayoff Order #12342
Jane Roes Nos. 19- Various 1975-76
Amer Journ of
Jane Roes Nos. 23- Various 1977-78
Amer Journ of
Jane Roes Nos. 31- Various 1975-76
Morb Mort Weekly
Jane Roes Nos. 33- Various 1973-74
Morb Mort Weekly
Jane Roes Nos. 37- Various 1970-72 New York City
Various Amer Journ of
OB/GYN, March 1974
NOTES. The "Jane Roe" cases in the above table are entirely
separate and distinct cases from those named legal abortion deaths
listed above. Documentation for these cases is provided below.
[A] These four "Jane Roes" were prostaglandin abortion
deaths documented by Willard Cates, M.D., and David Grimes, M.D., in the
American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology, February 1, 1977.
[B] These eight "Jane Roes" were abortion embolism deaths
documented by Willard Cates, M.D., Ann Marie Kimball, M.D., and Alton
Hallum, M.D., American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology,
September 15, 1978.
[C] These two "Jane Roes" were killed by vacuum abortions
of ectopic pregnancies, as documented by the Centers for Disease Control
in the Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, March 4, 1977.
[D] These four "Jane Roes" were reported by Matthew Bulfin
in a talk entitled "Deaths and Near Deaths With Legal
Abortions" at an obstetrics/gynecology convention in Florida in May
[E] These 32 "Jane Roes" were reported by the New York City
Coroner's Office in the time period July 1, 1970 to June 30, 1972 (two
years) in New York City alone. These were written up by Gary S. Berger,
M.D., Christopher Tietze, M.D., Jean Pakter, M.D., and Selig H. Katz,
M.D., "Maternal Mortality Associated with Legal Abortion in New
York State: July 1, 1970 - June 30, 1972." American Journal of
Obstetrics and Gynecology, March 1974, pages 315 to 325.
The following organizations compile and update national lists of
women who have been killed by "safe" and legal abortion:
American Rights Coalition, Post Office Box 487, Chattanooga, Tennessee
37401, telephone: 1-800-634-2224 and (615) 756-7065. The ARC publishes The
Abortion Injury Report.
(2) The Pro-Life Action League, 6160 North
Cicero Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60646, telephone: (312) 777-2900, FAX
Every major pro-life group has documentation on women who have died
of so-called 'safe and legal' abortions, but whose deaths are not noted
because of statistical chicanery. It is certain that 50 to 100 women die
of abortions every year now about one-third of them 'on the table,' but
most within one week due to abortion-related complications. It is also
obvious that almost all women who die several days after an abortion
will have causes of death other than the abortion itself listed on their
death certificates. Yet these deaths should properly be included in the
total abortion mortality figures.
This would mean that as many or more women are dying now as did
before abortion was legalized. How could this be possible?
Explosion in Baby-Killing.
Consider the sheer numbers of
abortions that are now performed in this country. According to the
National Abortion Rights Action League, about 200,000 illegal abortions
took place annually before Roe v. Wade. The maternal death rate
was about 40 per 100,000 abortions. Contrary to pro-abort myth, the vast
majority of these abortions were performed by fully-trained medical
doctors. In fact, many of the MDs who did vast numbers of illegal
abortions before 1973 openly boast about them now.
Essentially, all Roe v. Wade did was move the back-alley
abortion mills around to the front of the alley.
Currently, about 1.5 million abortions are performed every year.
Assuming that the procedure became three times as safe as it was before
(remember that 90 percent of all illegal abortions were performed by
doctors), twice as many women are dying of legal abortions now because
the number of abortions increased sevenfold after 1970.
Poll of the Abortionists. Dr. Matthew Bulfin polled 486
obstetrics/gynecology specialists at a 1974 convention in Las Vegas
regarding their experiences with deaths and complications relating to legal
abortion. The results were startling;
87% had hospitalized women and girls suffering from complications
due to legal abortions ;
91% said they had to treat women and girls with legal
abortion complications; and
6% said that at least one of their patients suffering from legal
abortion complications later died as a result of their injuries.
Keep in mind that these statistics applied to legal abortion only fifteen
months after Roe v. Wade! If these same abortionists had
continued in their practice to this date, every one of them would have
hospitalized women with legal abortion complications, and nearly
two-thirds would have had one or more of their abortion patients die.
Dr. Bulfin concluded that "Deaths and near deaths do occur with
every type [of] abortion procedure. As the vast majority of abortions
are done for social reasons, the deaths and near deaths that do occur
from the operation are especially tragic."
As described above, the legalization of abortion was a
goldmine for unscrupulous and unethical operators. Some current
abortionists seem to be almost insane in their reckless disregard for
human life, both born and preborn, as described in the following
Remember that hundreds of abortionists have lost their licenses and
have been charged with every imaginable manner of crime from rape and
murder to peddling pornography and belonging to pedophile groups. These
examples represent only about one percent of the total number of
convictions that have been gained against legal abortionists in this
He Really Cares About Women!
In 1986, Newark, New Jersey abortionist
E. Wyman Garrett was charged with gross malpractice and a number of
other offenses in connection with the substandard care he gave to at
least 40 women, mostly abortion patients.
Garrett aborted a 14-year old girl in his office. He did not give her
proper care when she began suffering complications, and she died on the
table. He then altered her medical records in an attempt to cover up his
role in her death. For this series of offenses, he also pled no contest
to violating various state laws.
His privileges were suspended at University Hospital in 1988 when he
killed another woman there.
In 1986, Garrett pled "no contest" to an array of charges
in State court. These specifications including performing a very
late-term abortion so negligently that the baby survived it; leaving a
baby's head inside a woman's uterus after an abortion; and falsifying
medical records to cover up several cases of severe abortion
Judge Sybil Moses, who conducted an administrative hearing on
Garrett, noted that he had made hundreds of thousands of dollars on
abortion without paying income taxes and was a chronic liar and
falsifier of medical records. She said that he had an extremely
"cavalier attitude toward patient safety," and asked for the
revocation of his medical license.
Garrett, during his testimony, called his abortion patients
"pachyderms" (i.e., female elephants) and
"actresses" when they displayed symptoms of acute
complications caused by his abortion procedures.
Big Bucks for Baby Killing.
On March 4, 1975, abortionist Robert
Sherman performed an incomplete abortion on 16-year old Rita McDowell.
When she began to suffer an extremely elevated temperature the next day,
her mother called Sherman, who refused to speak to her.
Early on March 8, Rita woke up screaming and collapsed in her
mother's arms. Doctors removed the remains of her unborn baby, but were
unable to save her life. She died of kidney failure and massive
infection. Her abortion was paid for with tax dollars.
Sherman was tried in 1978 for murder. Prosecutors showed that he
deliberately performed incomplete abortions on women so he could charge
them more for followup care. He also allowed a nurse's aid to perform
surgery, regularly re-used syringes and other disposable items without
even sterilizing them, failed to have urine samples checked to
confirm pregnancies, failed to check aborted unborn children for
completeness, and covered up his role in Rita McDowell's death by
fabricating administrative records and tampering with medical records.
Testimony during trial indicated that Sherman "... would
[simultaneously] operate with one hand, and eat a tuna fish sandwich
with the other, and talk to his stockbroker on the phone."
His murder trial ended in a mistrial because he allegedly developed
"heart problems" during the proceedings. He pled guilty to
repeated charges of perjury in exchange for prosecutors dropping the
murder charge. Prosecutors defended the plea-bargain on the grounds that
"We believe these felony convictions will prevent the defendant
from ever practicing medicine again."
They were dead wrong, of course. Sherman served two years in a
federal prison, then moved to Boston and immediately began to perform
Another big-bucks abortionist from Chicago, Arnold Bickham, performed
an abortion on 18-year old Sylvia Moore on New Year's Eve, 1986. She
slipped into deep shock and began bleeding, so Bickham called her
"lazy" because she could not stand on her own and he then
ejected her from the abortuary.
She somehow made her way to a nearby hospital and collapsed. She had
no pulse or blood pressure when she arrived. Doctors performed an
emergency hysterectomy, but she died in spite of their best efforts.
An autopsy revealed that she had suffered severe lacerations of the
uterus, cervix, and vagina. She also had a foreign plastic object (an
abortionist's tool) in her uterus near a large perforation. The
presiding medical examiner ruled her death a homicide due to Bickham's
extreme negligence and his abandonment of a patient in severe distress.
Bickham was the highest paid Medicaid recipient in the nation with
$792,266 in 1974. In 1975, he was the highest paid in Illinois with
$519,189. In 1976, he received $370,541, third highest in Illinois. This
is a total of more than $1.68 million over a period of only three years $1.68
million of our tax money for killing more than 10,000 preborn
Richard Muncie was a physician who
committed illegal abortions. He killed a woman in 1968 when he botched
an abortion, was convicted of manslaughter and sentenced to prison, and
had his medical license suspended.
Once he had completed his jail sentence, he went into a business that
was more fitting to his abilities; he opened an antique shop.
Immediately after the United States Supreme Court issued its Roe v.
Wade decision, he went to court and got his medical license back. He
is now performing abortions again.
Some abortionists kill babies almost as a sideline
to their other immoral activities. After all, if a person kills babies,
what is to hinder them from trivia such as dealing drugs or evading
Abortionist William R. Cloud, administrator of Oklahoma's Statewide
Clinic, was charged with conspiracy to commit illegal abortion in 1973,
served a year in federal prison for income tax evasion in 1974, pleaded
guilty to importing marijuana from Colombia in 1976, and killed Patricia
King at his clinic in 1987.
El Paso, Texas abortionist Raymond Showery was convicted of murder in
1983 for drowning a baby who survived one of his abortions. He served
five years of a 15-year sentence. While awaiting trial, he killed
28-year old Mickey Apodaca during an abortion and was indicted for
He threatened the lives of the reporter who wrote the story on his
murder trial, a police detective, a prosecutor, and the El Paso County
Flaws In the "Official" Abortion Death Count.
Many pro-life activists use data gathered by the
Centers for Disease Control (CDCs) regarding legal abortion deaths when
attempting to demonstrate that a significant number of maternal abortion
deaths still occur, even though abortion is legal.
However, their point would be better made if they realized that these
death counts are inherently incomplete, and therefore they greatly
underestimate the number of abortion deaths that occur in the United
When abortion became legal in 1973, the social motivation for
reporting abortion-related maternal deaths suddenly vanished. At this
point in time, reporting data on abortion mortality and morbidity became
largely voluntary, and all such data since 1973 are based entirely upon
There are at least six statistical reasons why the
"official" estimated count of abortion deaths is too low.
(1) Reporting is voluntary and flawed;
(2) Most deaths occur after leaving the abortuary;
(3) Victim's travel hinders identification;
(4) Poverty and mistrust by minorities;
(5) Lack of coherent background research; and
(6) Tampering with death certificates.
These variables are explained in the following paragraphs.
(1) Reporting is Voluntary and Flawed.
Since 1973, there has been no
legal requirement for physicians to report maternal abortion deaths and
complications. Most states report incomplete data, and the Centers for
Disease Control, which compile and summarize the information, receive
only sketchy numbers from California, Texas, Florida and Illinois which
between them account for more than half a million abortions annually
which is one-third of the nation's total.
Given the psychology of the act of abortion and of the abortionists
themselves, it is natural that abortion deaths would not be voluntarily
reported. As abortionist Dr. Willard Cates has logically argued,
"It's like turning yourself in to the IRS for an audit. What is
there to gain? The tendency is not to report [abortion deaths] because
there are only negative incentives."
Doctors themselves admit that physicians who perform large numbers of
abortions are virtual pariahs within their own profession. When a
maternal abortion death does occur, it will naturally reflect discredit
not only upon the guilty abortionist, but upon the pro-abortion movement
and on the medical profession in general. In many cases, maternal
abortion deaths only come to light when a relative of the deceased woman
takes legal action.
Abortionists are not the only culprits who contribute to the problem
of under-reporting. The United States Public Health Service (USPHS) is
one of the several agencies that monitors the reporting of abortion
statistics, including those dealing with complications and death. In its
Handbook on the Reporting of Induced Termination of Pregnancy,
the USPHS describes how to fill out the form used to collect abortion
data. This form is called the "U.S. Standard Report of Induced
Termination of Pregnancy."
One of the items on the form concerns abortion complications. The
USPHS instructions read "If no complications have occurred at
the time the report is completed, check 'none.' This item will
provide data regarding the risk of induced termination."
In the vast majority of cases, the form is either filled out
immediately after the abortion procedure, or after the woman has left
the premises. Therefore, if she suffers severe complications or death
later, they will not be reflected in the USPHS reporting summary.
As an example of reasons for this prevalent degree of
under-reporting, the State of California reported no abortion deaths at
all in 1983 and 1984. However, at least four women Patricia Chacon,
Inez Herron, Cora Mae Lewis, and Yvonne Tanner died of abortion-related
complications in California during those years (see Figure 59-1).
As another example, 16-year old Erica Richardson of Prince George
County, Maryland. was killed by an abortionist on March 2, 1989. She was
joined in death by another woman in the same county later that year
Debra Gray on July 12.
However, despite these two deaths, Maryland's Department of Health
and Mental Hygiene reported no abortion deaths for the entire state in
1989. Richardson's autopsy report (Prince George #89-593) reveals why;
she was the subject of a typical abortionist's coverup. On the report,
the item "How Injury Occurred" was answered as
"therapeutic misadventure." The "Manner of Death"
blank was filled in with the single word "Accident."
Overall, the Centers for Disease Control reported a total of eight
abortion deaths in the entire country for 1989. it is a virtual
statistical impossibility that a single Maryland county, with less than
1/300th of the national population, could have an abortion death rate
eighty times as great as the national average.
The States of California and Maryland still have not corrected their
records. Nor have the Centers for Disease Control. The CDCs do not
search vigorously for information, nor do they research abortion deaths;
they rely strictly upon the information that is voluntarily given them
by the States.
In fact, many abortionists will not report complications (or even
routine statistical data), even when state law mandates such reporting.
Records of state litigation are replete with the accounts of battles
between abortion clinics and state agencies over the reporting of such
(2) The Time Factor.
There is absolutely no requirement (nor, in most
cases, is there any possible way) for an abortionist to report abortion-related complications that arise once a woman has left an abortion mill.
When a woman suffers acute complications following an abortion, she
will almost always report to a hospital emergency room instead of back
to the abortion clinic, especially when she experiences these troubles
after several days, or believes that the problems are unrelated to her
In such cases, the emergency room physicians who treat women for
physical damages inflicted by their abortions have no professional or
legal motivation for inquiring as to the identity of the abortionist.
Even if they find out the abortionist's name, they are usually reluctant
to make an official report for fear of defamation or malpractice
lawsuits, and also because doctors are usually quite reluctant to
"squeal" on a peer even if that peer happens to be a lowly
In addition to their failure to report subsequent deaths caused by
abortion injuries, official statistics tabulators like the Centers for
Disease Control do not count as abortion-related deaths those women who
are killed indirectly by abortion. Such cases include subsequent ectopic
pregnancies caused by damage inflicted during abortion procedures;
complications related to premature delivery of subsequent children
directly resulting from damage inflicted during abortion procedures;
blood incompatibility complications caused when abortion providers fail
to give Rho-GAM shots to RH-negative women; and from suicide brought on
by acute post-abortion syndrome (PAS).
Doctor Matthew Bulfin describes such an ironic case; "An 18 year
old female underwent suction curettage for a suspected pregnancy of 8
weeks duration. She committed suicide 3 days after the procedure having
expressed guilt about having killed her baby. There had been no
pregnancy tissue in the suction specimen, but [the] patient was never
Abortion statistician Dr. Christopher Tietze describes other such
cases where women have committed suicide due to guilt caused by their
abortions, only to have the coroner discover that they were never
pregnant. This type of case is certainly noteworthy. But how many
women who actually did kill their preborn babies decide to do
away with themselves as well?
(3) Travel Hinders Identification.
Many women who obtain abortions
are ashamed or embarrassed by the circumstances under which they got
pregnant and/or by the act of killing their preborn child. Therefore,
about one-third of all women obtaining abortions cross state lines or
travel to another city in order to maintain anonymity.
If such a woman returns to her home town and then dies of abortion-related complications after several hours or days, her death is
extremely difficult to trace if no family member or friends know that
she obtained an abortion, or where such an abortion occurred.
Doctor Bulfin describes such a case;
The [abortion] patient was
quite obviously exsanguinated [dead from loss of blood]. The husband had
learned only that morning that a saline infusion had been performed in
another state where she had given a fictitious name and address. Her
husband had found her unresponsive in the bathroom with evidence of
massive blood loss.
In cases where a woman crosses state lines to obtain an abortion and
later dies in her home state, the abortion is usually not reported at
all by the home state, because the cause of death occurred in another
state. Additionally, from the viewpoint of the state, no useful purpose
would be served by expending resources in attempting to track down the
(4) Poverty and Mistrust.
A large percentage of women who are killed
by abortion live below the poverty line. The relatives or friends of
many poor women who have died of abortion are unaware of their remedies
at law, are intimidated by or utterly mistrust the legal system, or are
afraid of reporting problems due to fears of retaliation. These abortion
deaths generally go unreported and uninvestigated.
The poignant letter by Mattie Byrd, a Black woman whose daughter was
killed by White abortionist Stephen Pine, vividly reflects this distrust
and anger. Excerpts from this letter are contained later in this
(5) Lack of Research.
No organization or individual has performed
comprehensive state-by-state research into the malpractice, coroner, or
public health records involving abortionists and abortion clinics,
because reporting practices vary widely from state to state.
As examples, New York State courts do not cross-index lawsuits, so an
abortionist is somewhat insulated from research into his records
regarding previous litigation. Additionally, many county coroners do not
keep cross-indexed records of people who die because of medical
malpractice. Oklahoma and other states do not investigate deaths when an
attending physician certifies that a death does not involve foul play.
(6) Death Certificate Chicanery.
The cause of death listed on a death
certificate often appears to have nothing to do with the abortion that
caused the death, and this listed cause can be directly affected by the
information provided by the abortionist.
For example, two abortionists at Los Angeles' Inglewood Women's
Hospital attempted to cover up two abortion deaths at their facility.
When Kathy Denise Murphy died at Inglewood on September 8, 1973, Dr.
John Dupont claimed she died of a "breathing disorder." When
Lynette Wallace died there on September 27, 1975, another doctor claimed
that she died of cardiopulmonary arrest.
Another example of such tampering was related to Erica Richardson's
1989 death in Prince George County, Maryland, as described above.
According to Dr. Jack Willke, an 18-year old died of a "safe and
legal" abortion in Los Angeles County in 1988. Her death
certificate stated that the cause of death was a "spontaneous
gangrene of the ovary."
This is about as honest as listing "lead poisoning" as the
cause of death of a person who was gunned down by killer with a
These abortion-caused deaths would have gone entirely unnoticed if
sharp-eyed investigators had not noticed minor discrepancies in
reporting. It is certain that many more cases escape detection, because
it is usually in the best interests of every medical professional
involved to "hush up" the death.
What is the Actual Degree of Under-Reporting?
Source of Information.
Pro-lifers must have a firm grip on the number
of women who have actually died of so-called "safe and legal"
abortion since 1973. This number is far greater than most
pro-abortionists (and members of the public) think, and can be a real
shocker when it is properly documented and presented.
The above paragraphs have listed some of the reasons that the
"official" figures for legal abortion deaths are
under-reported. It is therefore necessary to apply a correction factor
to the "official" figures regarding maternal deaths in order
to arrive at a more accurate estimate.
All of the information required to calculate this correction factor
is contained in the November/December 1979 issue of the Alan Guttmacher
Institute's medical reporting publication Family Planning
Perspectives. This data was compiled at a gathering of hundreds
of abortionists at a conference entitled "Second-Trimester
Abortion: Perspectives After a Decade of Experience," convened on
September 27th and 28th, 1979, at the University of North Carolina
Medical School at Chapel Hill, North Carolina.
Keep in mind that this information was compiled by, analyzed by, and
published by the abortionists themselves. This fact effectively defuses
the argument that the statistics are somehow 'biased pro-life
The Basic Data.
The article describes a study performed by Dr.
Richard Selik, who analyzed 104 maternal deaths from late (second)
trimester abortions in the United States from 1975 to 1977. The article
also states that "Overall, second-trimester abortions are about 10
times as dangerous as earlier [first-trimester] procedures."
Finally, the article says that about ten percent of all abortions
are performed in the second trimester.
The following paragraphs calculate the actual number of maternal
deaths caused by abortions during the period 1975 to 1977 based upon
Calculation of the Correction Factor.
The Centers for Disease Control
report that a total of 3,530,200 abortions were performed in the United
States during the period 1975 to 1977. Ten percent of these (353,000
abortions) were therefore performed in the second trimester.
If, as the article claims, 104 women died of second-trimester
abortions during this period, the death rate for such procedures is
(104/353,000) X 100,000 = 29.46 per 100,000.
And, if first-trimester abortions are ten times safer than second-trimester procedures, the death rate for first-trimester abortions is
2.95 per 100,000 performed.
Therefore, total maternal abortion deaths from 1975 to 1977 can be
calculated as follows;
CALCULATION OF MATERNAL ABORTION DEATHS FOR THE PERIOD 1975 TO 1977
Abortion Type 1975-1977
Total Deaths, 1975 to 1977
Finally, the "official" Center for Disease Control maternal
death figures are 49 for 1975, 27 for 1976, and 35 for 1977, for a total
of 111 over the three-year period (see above).
This means that, according to the data provided in Family Planning
Perspectives, the "official" government numbers are
under-reported by a factor of (198/111) = 1.784.
Confirmation By the CDCs.
According to an article in the May 1985
issue of the Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology, abortion is
the sixth most common cause of maternal death in the United States.
Physicians/researchers from the Centers for Disease Control, who
authored the article, admitted that maternal deaths caused by abortions
may be under-reported by about 50 percent.
The Actual Numbers.
Figure 59-2 shows the "official" and
estimated actual number of maternal abortion deaths that have occurred
in every year since 1970. Figure 59-3 shows the actual annual numbers of
deaths in graphical format, and this depiction will probably come as a
shock to those people who have not until now realized that more than a thousand
women have died of so-called "safe and legal" abortion since
1973, the year of the United States Supreme Court decision.
CALCULATION OF MATERNAL ABORTION AND CHILDBIRTH DEATH RATES
Causes of Maternal Deaths Deaths
Ectopic Abor- Abor-
tion Child- Abor- 100,000
nancy "Official" Actual Birth tions Births
130,000 861 90
540 178.4 15.4
169,000 828 86
531 124.6 14.8
270,500 802 83
539 66.6 14.4
169 461 31.1
624,000 593 62
371 25.7 11.4
772,600 518 54
362 13.2 11.5
898,600 442 46
300 10.7 9.5
1975 3,144,198 1,034,200
1976 3,167,788 1,179,300
1977 3,313,000 1,316,700
1978 3,332,879 1,409,400
1979 3,494,169 1,497,700
1980 3,611,887 1,553,900
1981 3,629,557 1,577,300
1982 3,680,150 1,573,900
1983 3,638,730 1,575,000
1984 3,669,349 1,577,200
1985 3,750,135 1,588,100
1986 3,757,000 1,475,000
1987 3,809,000 1,510,000
1988 3,913,000 1,540,000
1989 4,015,000 1,525,000
22yr. 77,870,302 25,342,000 9,346 972
1,140 2,035 6,339
SINCE 1973: 1,082
EXPLANATION OF CALCULATIONS.
Column (2). Source of information:
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the Census. Reference
Data Book and Guide to Sources, Statistical Abstract of the United
States. 1990 (110th Edition). Washington, DC: United States
Government Printing Office. Table 80, "Live Births, Deaths,
Marriages and Divorces."
Column (3). Same reference, Table 100,
"Legal Abortions Estimated Number, Rate, and Ratio, By Race."
1968 to 1973 figures include illegal abortions.
Column (4). Same
reference, Table 110, "Infant, Maternal, and Neonatal Mortality
Rates, and Fetal Mortality Ratios, by Race: 1960 to 1987." This
table gives maternal mortality rates per 100,000 births only, and this
figure is multiplied by the total number of births given in Column (2).
Column (5). Column (4) X 0.106. The July 1988 Maternal Mortality
Collaborative Study found that, of the 712 maternal deaths recorded from
1980 to 1985, 111 of the recorded deaths were due to factors in no way
related to pregnancy; (accidents, homicides, unrelated diseases, etc.).
10.6 percent of all maternal deaths were due to unattended ectopic
pregnancies. Since these usually occur before ten week's gestation, they
do not have any impact upon maternal death rates for either abortions or
childbirth, so they are excluded.
Column (6). The Abortion Surveillance
Unit of the Centers for Disease Control issues an annual abortion
statistics book with verified abortion deaths listed.
Column (7). Column
(6) X 1.784. See text for an explanation of this correction factor.
Column (8). Column (4) - Column (5) - Column (7).
Column (9). (Column
(7) X 100,000)/Column (3).
Column (10). (Column (8) X 100,000)/Column
ANNUAL MATERNAL DEATHS CAUSED BY ABORTION IN THE UNITED STATES
OVER A THOUSAND WOMEN HAVE BEEN
KILLED BY "SAFE AND LEGAL"
ABORTION SINCE ROE V. WADE
For supporting calculations, see Figure 59-2.
Figure 59-1 lists the names of nearly 200 unfortunate women who
believed in the lies spewed forth by the pro-abortionists, and who paid
for their misplaced trust with their very lives.
The two pages of Figure 59-1, retyped or copied front-to-back on the
same sheet of paper, make an eye-opening flyer that effectively destroys
the myth of "safe and legal" abortions. At a debate or
presentation, even the most closed-minded person will be forced to
reconsider his views on abortion when a pro-life speaker compares the
magnitude of the disaster (1,000+ deaths) to the number of people
sitting in the room observing.
Will the Old Lies Work Again?
Closed Minds at Work.
The old lies about maternal abortion deaths
worked pretty well before abortion was completely legalized, and so the
pro-abortion forces and their toadies in the press began to work the
same angle in mid-1989, when it appeared that Roe v. Wade was in
danger of imminent demise after the Supreme Court's Webster
This, of course, is the classic way to identify people with closed
minds: They simply discard or ignore all evidence that does not agree
with their conclusions.
For example, two days after the Supreme Court's Webster
decision, the daily newsmagazine USA Today stated as fact in an
understandably unsigned staff editorial that "Before Roe v. Wade,
hundreds of thousands of women had illegal abortions [annually], and one
in 10 of them died."
Using the pro-abort's own figures of 200,000 to one million illegal
abortions per year, USA Today is therefore stating as fact that
20,000 to 100,000 women died of illegal abortions every year
before Roe. This amounts to an exaggeration factor of 55,555
percent over the actual figures!
In October of 1989, when several restrictions on abortion were passed
by the Pennsylvania State legislature, local pro-abortion activists and
lawmakers said that Mexico has the same number of abortions that the
United States does, although they are all illegal (1,500,000); that
140,000 women died of illegal abortions every year in that country
(according to the United Nations, the actual number is 159); and that
this many women would die in the United States if abortion were
criminalized again. This is a factor of exaggeration amounting to one
hundred thousand percent, or a thousand times the actual number!
A San Francisco group calling itself "Men Who Care About Women's
Lives," including Brian Willson (the so-called 'peace' activist who
lay on railroad tracks in front of a 200-ton locomotive and lost his
legs as a result), mailed 10,000 coathangers to President George Bush in
1989, representing the "number of women who will die annually
should pro-choice be outlawed."
And, of course, the paragon of hysteria was, as always, the
Revolutionary Communist Party of the United States. In the RCP's
propaganda organ, the Revolutionary Worker, an understandably
anonymous writer complained that
If the people don't succeed in
taking the OFFENSIVE and defeating this assault on women, hundreds of
thousands of women will suffer mutilation and death from illegal
abortions. Today some 200,000 women a year die in Third World countries
one woman every three minutes. And the anti-abortion policy of the U.S.
is making the situation even worse.
Pro-aborts know that mere numbers, no matter how impressive in scope,
can never have the impact of a vivid word picture. Therefore, after the
Supreme Court's Webster decision in mid-1989, there appeared to
be an unofficial but enthusiastic contest waged among pro-abort writers
to see just who could produce the most graphic and sensational picture
of 'the way things were.'
One good example was provided by Brett Harvey of Mother Jones
Magazine, who wrote that "It's hard for today's young women to
imagine abortions in dark, dirty rooms that smelled of Clorox, done by
doctors who breathed bourbon fumes and copped a feel before they got to
work, and warned you not to scream or they'd walk out and leave you
alone in the middle of nowhere. Or self-aborting alone in your college
dorm room, scared to tell anyone, watching your metal wastebasket fill
up with blood, flushing the fetus down the toilet, terrified that it
would clog the plumbing and you'd be found out. Or being rushed to the
hospital hemorrhaging from a perforated uterus, only to be interrogated
by police officers demanding to know where you got the abortion
One obvious characteristic of these ravings in the almost explosive
level of indignation and anger that seems to boil off the page as pro-aborts compete with each other to see who can make up the most garish
and ridiculous story.
Notice the extremely high degree of fake outrage Sherry Matulis
demonstrates as she describes "Why Abortion Must Remain the
Law of the Land" in her article of the same name in The Humanist;
I'd like to see how they'd ["holier-than-thou"
pro-lifers] fare if they were put in the position of being young and
raped and pregnant and scared witless if they thought that they could
very well die and leave two little children motherless. I'd like to see
if their smug psuedomorality would hold up if they had to experience
firsthand what a real "abortion mill" was all about: The
incredible, indescribable filth and stench. The cobwebs hanging from the
ceiling. The blood-spattered floor. The two-aspirin
"anesthetic." The slop bucket at the end of the old enameled
kitchen table. The drunken old butcher coming at them, a whiskey glass
in one hand and a sharp instrument in the other, saying to them
"You can take your pants down now, but you shoulda ha, ha left 'em
on before." Putting his fist in their faces and saying, "This
is gonna hurt and you'd better keep your mouth shut or I'll shut it for
you! Whacking away at their insides for 15 eyeball-popping minutes. And
then insult added to injury offering them $20 of their $1,000 back for
"a quick blowjob ...
Women young, old, black, white known to the medical books only
by their initials and their perforated or Lysol-damaged wombs and their
resultant infections and suffering and eventual deaths. Women really too
young to be called women undergoing hysterectomies at age 16. Women with
bottles of household disinfectants, sometimes even lye; no need for a
hysterectomy, nothing's left to take out. Women with bent heads and
unbent coathangers, screaming in the night dead at 16, 18, 20, 22. Women
for whom the phrase right to life was totally without meaning or
substance, who were murdered as surely as putting a gun to their heads
by the same sort of blue-nosed and hypocritical element in our society
that once again rears its ugly, unfeeling head to laud what might be and
to condemn what is.
These are just a few of the hundreds of examples of how tenaciously
the pro-aborts are hanging onto the myth of thousands of women dying
before abortion was legalized. They know the truth, of course. It has
been explained to them many, many times. And they are smart enough to
Therefore, they are simply bare-faced liars.
The "Silent No More" Scam.
NARAL's Campaign for Sympathy.
The most powerful weapon ever used by
pro-abortion strategists is unquestionably their manufactured images of
suffering and desperate women being brutalized at the hands of
back-alley butchers. This weapon was used to legalize abortion, and the
pro-aborts are now pulling it out of mothballs in their continuing
efforts to keep abortion legal.
When the National Abortion Rights Action League perceived a growing
threat to "abortion rights" in the mid-1980s, it attempted to
capitalize on this theme with its so-called "Silent No More"
sympathy campaign. NARAL hoped to gather thousands of vividly-written
stories of women who had had illegal abortions (or who knew other women
who had done so), and planned to publicize them heavily in order to
influence public opinion on abortion.
However, despite the fact that it was heavily publicized by all
branches of the major media, the "Silent No More" campaign was
a resounding flop by any possible standards of measurement.
The Big Effort.
NARAL's made its biggest push for stories in May of
1985, when it advertised heavily among its 200,000 members and the
public, asking for letters detailing experiences with illegal abortions.
NARAL proudly claimed that they received "Tens of thousands of
letters," but, mysteriously, only 68 were submitted to the Congressional
Record for publication on May 22nd, and even these were of poor (and
frequently even ridiculous) quality.
For example, one rambling letter in the Record claimed that
Thirty-five years ago I was pregnant my baby had died in 4th
month of pregnancy but because of abortion being illegal I couldn't have
an abortion I had to carry that dead child for 5 months before I finally
aborted it myself. I carried that child for 5 agonizing months knowing I
was carrying a dead child please legalize abortion it must be pro
Anyone who knows anything at all about fetal development or
obstetrics will realize that the situation described in the above letter
is physically impossible.
It was revealing to note that most of NARAL's letters were written
not by women who were in truly desperate circumstances, but by women who
wanted abortion to remain legal for purely selfish reasons of
convenience. One typical letter asserted that
My abortion occurred
when I was a married adult woman. I simply had not fully dealt with the
role of motherhood, and how it might impact upon the rather new career
path which I was pursuing. I was not raped. I do not think I carried a
deformed fetus. I was not a teenager. I was simply a woman who believes
that her uterus was her own, as was the decision as to when or if it
would bear a child.
Yet More Anonymity.
NARAL and other pro-abortion groups sponsored
scores of public "readings" all over the country, where women
would stand and read their letters of victimization before crowds of
weeping sympathizers. All of these letters were similar in one critical
respect: The 'victim of illegal abortion' was invariably anonymous. When
pro-life activists in several cities asked questions about the persons
in the letters, they were met with shouts accusing them of
The pro-abortionists used two anonymous plaintiffs to secure abortion
on demand in this country. The stories manufactured by (and for) these
plaintiffs were outright lies. Whenever they initiate litigation to
overturn abortion restrictions, pro-aborts also use anonymous
plaintiffs, because they cannot produce anyone who is really
damaged by the pro-life laws. And now, anonymous 'victims' are used in
an attempt to curry sympathy with the public in an effort to keep
Pro-lifers should not be afraid to challenge these "Silent No
More" stories as the lies they most certainly are.
The Frank Mendiola Case.
Perhaps the most spectacular example of a
'victim' of illegal abortion was provided by a Los Angeles man named
Mendiola's extremely graphic "Silent No More" story was a
big hit among pro-abortionists, and NARAL even used it as the
centerpiece of one of its national fundraising letter. This appeal,
which was signed by Executive Director Kate Michelman, played on the
emotions of readers by listing a cluster of highly suspicious and very
anonymous 'victimization' stories, including one that read: "Frank,
who wept as he told of his beloved twin sister, who bled to death from
an illegal abortion after being brutally raped at the age of 14."
Mendiola, a well-known sodomite and pro-abortion activist in the Los
Angeles area, had been very much in demand at pro-abortion rallies,
where he would read his letter written to President Reagan about how his
sister 'Rose Elizabeth' died from a botched illegal abortion. Mendiola
sobbed about how "She bled to death on a kitchen table. Yes, Mr.
President, on a kitchen table."
It was not long, however, before Mendiola's story began to come apart
at the seams under the glare of publicity surrounding a related matter.
According to the December 10, 1987 issue of the Los Angeles Times,
Mendiola called in numerous bomb threats to clinics, abortionists, and
even his own home so that "... you people, the media, will come
down with a harder line on those people who are harassing the
At his trial, Mendiola was given a one-year suspended sentence
because, as the judge put it, he had "good intentions."
Imagine any judge suspending sentence on any pro-lifer for threatening
to bomb an abortion mill for "good intentions!"
Pro-aborts packed the courtroom in Mendiola's support. Many members
of the "Committee for Reproductive Rights" appeared at his
trial, and Sherna Gluck of the CRR said that "Clearly, the whole
thing is very sad. I just feel very badly for him. He is a very fine
person, and I guess the worst one can say is he is just confused. I'm
sure it was [done] with the very best of intentions."
Further investigation into Mendiola's background revealed that he had
been lying about his 'twin sister' dying on a kitchen table, because he had
no twin sister in fact, he was an only child!
Even when Mendiola was exposed and confronted with his lies, he
merely altered his story to say that it actually had happened to a
sister's friend, and that "I was her voice." Naturally, he
refused to identify the person in question.
This incident helps illustrate the incredible arrogance
of pro-abortionists who will continue to lie like rugs even when they
are caught red-tongued, and shows how out of touch with reality they
Mendiola's bogus story also helps to call into question all of the
other pro-abortion propaganda stories of women who died of illegal
abortions before the procedure was legalized. It is estimated that at
least 95 percent of these "Silent No More" stories are
complete fabrications, as proven elsewhere in this chapter.
Additionally, this dramatic case confirmed what pro-lifers have
asserted for many years: that pro-abortionists threaten and commit
violence against their own clinics in order to discredit
Stand Aside, There's Money to be Made!
In view of recent actions by some pro-abortionists and
abortion clinics, perhaps we really shouldn't be too worried
about the number of women who will die of illegal abortions if Roe v.
Wade is overturned. After all, the Neofeminists are so unconcerned
that they are trying to turn a fast buck by capitalizing on the misery
of women with 'unwanted pregnancies.' Additionally, they support
abortionists who are literally butchers, and whose skill level wouldn't
even qualify them for the stockyards, let alone hospitals!
The following paragraphs highlight just a few instances of how
fanatically the abortionists will pursue money, even if women die as a
result of their insane greed.
Radical Neofeminists have been pushing
"self-help" for a long time, and one of the most essential
aspects of this program is the ability to self-abort, or be aborted by a
friendly lay person.
The abortion device generally employed in such cases is a homemade
suction machine referred to as the "Del-Em," or some variant
thereof. The procedure is rather dishonestly referred to as
"menstrual extraction" (ME) so the woman undergoing the
process can never really be sure if she is aborting or just
"getting rid of her period."
One of the most essential aspects of self-abortion is denial, and so
the act is predictably surrounded by a luxuriant growth of euphemisms.
Alternative names for ME include "endometrial extraction,"
"menstrual shedding," "menstrual induction," and
"early uterine evacuation."
The September 1976 issue of Ms. Magazine and a 1973 article in
Triumph Magazine describe the character of the developer of the
[Harvey] Karman is the developer of the
menstrual extraction technique. His three-page police record includes an
arrest for murder in the death of an abortion client and a prison term
for illegal abortion and grand theft. One of his other abortion arrests
was in connection with a West Los Angeles clinic where he was associated
with one Dr. John Gwynne. Gwynne has since been convicted of the murder
of his nineteen-year-old girlfriend.
The New Wave: "Abortion Parties."
invariably allege that the legalization of abortion completely
eliminated "dangerous back-alley abortions."
However, illegal abortion networks are still operating for two
reasons; because some women prefer to be aborted by friends, no matter
what the status of abortion laws are, and because others are
'practicing' for the day when abortion is illegal again.
A recent article in American Medical News described an illegal
'abortion party' at a woman's house in stomach-wrenching detail. What
was so sickening about the article was not the goriness of the abortion
(which was not mentioned), but the indifferent way in which the snuffing
out of a baby's life was treated by all present at the abortion. For
these women, the abortion was not a thing to be agonized over, not a
thing to regret in any way, but instead merely an opportunity to 'share
an experience with friends.'
The article centers around Maria Romero, an unmarried 20-year old
woman who has been shacking up with her boyfriend. When asked how she
could have become pregnant while using birth control, Romero just
shrugged, grinned, and said "Sometimes I'm kind of lazy about using
my cervical cap."
In a horrible parody of a baby shower, the article describes how
friends brought gifts to her home on the appointed abortion day. One of
the women brought a dozen tiny pink roses.
After assembling, the women then chatted and drank cappucino for a
while. Finally, they got down to 'business.' Carla Martinez, a lay
person with no medical experience, aborted Romero with a home 'menstrual
extraction' kit. Despite Romero feeling a little pain, the procedure is
described as safe and almost trivial in nature.
After the abortion, Martinez said that "There are some people
who want to see it so they can see there are no body parts, that it's
not a baby," and Romero gushed happily that "I think that it's
wonderful to share the [abortion] experience with my friends."
Cindy Pearson, who has been promoting self-abortion for nearly a
decade, enthused that "This is so fun; this is so great, that we
can do this ourselves ... It's just joyful."
These very existence of these 'abortion parties' dispels a number of
pro-abortion myths; that 'pro-choicers' are morally superior to
'Operation Rescue types' because they respect the law; that they care
about women's health; and that abortions are invariably the product of
long and painful soul-searching by the aborter.
The Kill-the-Baby-Yourself Kit.
The Federation of Feminist Women's
Health Centers began selling $89.95 'home suction aspiration kits' in
mid-1989, immediately after the Webster decision. These kits
consisted of aquarium tubing, Mason jars, and syringes, and the
materials cost about ten dollars. Therefore, the FWHCs were making about
a 900 percent profit on what they called "menstrual extraction
As Lynne Randall, director of the Atlanta FWHC, said: "Since
there won't be enough courageous doctors to break the law, this could be
the safest illegal abortion possible." Personnel from the
Federation of FWHCs began touring the country in mid-1990, selling and
demonstrating their home abortion kits and showing their 28-minute
propaganda film "No Going Back."
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration promptly shut down the sales by
the FWHCs, because they considered the home abortion kits to be deadly
dangerous. There is of course no ultrasound performed during ME, even
though this is considered standard practice by most experienced
abortionists. One emergency room physician, commenting on this lack,
said that "The existence of an ectopic pregnancy or a [hydatidiform]
mole would have disastrous results."
But Neofeminists are not the only people who are pushing illegal
abortion kits. Various Communist and sodomite groups are joyfully
leaping into the fray, as well. For example, a disreputable group
calling itself "Anonymous Queers 1992" circulated diagrams of
the "Del-Em" at the pro-abort's April 1992 "March for
Death" in Washington, DC.
There is a possibility, even under the Clinton reign, that abortion
will be somewhat restricted in the near future, at least in some states.
These will be the states where the practice of 'menstrual extraction'
will take hold, and these will be the states where unskilled women will
butcher themselves and each other with ME devices. And these will be the
states where those practicing illegal abortion will be the same people
who will yell "Look! Women are dying from unsafe, illegal
abortions! We must legalize it again!"
And these are the same people who condemn pro-life rescuers for
breaking the law!
We must ask ourselves (and the Neofeminists) this question: If they
are so worried about women butchering themselves, why are they trying to
profit from the misery of these women by selling illegal and dangerous
home abortion kits to them at a huge markup?
The Truth About Illegal Abortions
From the Horse's Mouth.
The illegal abortionist has played an essential role in the
evolution of modern industrial urban living, with its low birth rates,
intensive education, and nuclear family system. He or she was classed as
a criminal, but without their help, history would have taken a different
Neofeminists and abortophiles typically get extremely
agitated when they describe the "bad old days" before Roe
v. Wade. They shudder with mock terror as they vividly paint the
classic caricature of the filthy (invariably male) back-alley butcher
who terrorized women while taking their last few grocery dollars. The
pro-aborts assume the status of "victim" and appeal to
everyone's protective instinct by speaking of horribly lacerated women
dying by the tens of thousands after undergoing abortions in fleabag
motel rooms, in kitchens, and even on the back seats of cars. Their
imaginations reach full flower when they participate in the periodic
"Silent No More" fiction contest, where contestants are urged
to write stories about a loved one who supposedly died of illegal
abortions before Roe v. Wade.
What they don't say is that 90 percent of illegal abortions were
performed by licensed physicians.[7,32] In fact, many of the doctors who
immediately opened abortion mills after Roe v. Wade received
their abortion training not in medical school, but in the same office
under semi-clandestine conditions.
It is very interesting to examine the lavish lifestyle of the illegal
abortionists in the so-called "bad old days."
The truth is far different from the fiction. Instead of being filthy
back-alley butchers, the typical illegal abortionist was a medical
doctor practicing in a clean, spacious, antiseptic suite of offices.
And, instead of being a caring, sympathetic champion of women's rights,
these people were in the abortion business purely to rake in astonishing
quantities of money.
The Dr. Ruth Story.
Naturopath Ruth Barnett was a close friend of
Planned Parenthood founder Margaret Sanger. She performed about 40,000
illegal abortions during the period 1918 to 1968 in Portland, Oregon,
the so-called "Abortion capitol of the Northwest." At least 70
percent of these women were referred to her by reputable practicing
Neofeminists like to describe some illegal abortionists as caring,
sympathetic individuals who risked their careers and livelihoods for a
pittance, because they "felt sorry for women in desperate
straits," or because they "believed in the cause of women's
Strangely, they don't talk about Ruth Barnett, who made an
extraordinarily sumptuous living off the misery of women just as many
abortionists do today.
During her half-century of killing babies illegally, Barnett earned
more than nine million dollars (equivalent to more than
$40,000,000 in 1992 dollars). As Barnett said, "My income during
the years at the Stewart Clinic was as much as $182,000 a year. I make
no apologies for earning that kind of money ... "
Barnett considered herself to be somewhat of a philanthropist. For
example, she used tens of thousands of dollars of her money to reopen
the Portland Meadows horse-racing track after the disastrous Vanport
Flood of 1948.
In her book, Barnett describes the lavish lifestyle of another local
illegal abortionist, Dr. Ed Stewart, operator of the Stewart Clinic on
He owned and operated a racing stable, and played
an important role in making horse racing a respected activity in Oregon.
He was a cultured man. A connoisseur of art, he kept impressive
collections of paintings both in his clinic and his home ... Dr.
Stewart's [abortion] rooms were beautifully furnished. There were eleven
of them and they took up nearly the whole eighth floor of the Broadway
Building. His reputation had been flawless and his name was known
throughout the Northwest wherever women were in trouble.
Like Mother, Like Daughter.
Barnett's talents were employed on
numerous occasions by her only daughter, Margaret St. James, who was
married 10 times including three times in one year. St. James boasted
that "I married everybody who asked, like throwing cards up in the
air. If you didn't like how they fell, you got divorced."
Because of her promiscuous lifestyle, St. James often employed her
mother's "services," and was aborted by her six times. Her
mother supported all ten of her ex-husbands, and lavished upon her many
costly gifts, including a huge home with full-time cook, housekeeper,
nurse and gardener. St. James remembered cardboard boxes stuffed with
money scattered around her mother's house.
Safe and Illegal.
Barnett operated her abortuary freely and openly in
Portland for 33 years without being hampered at all by police, who
simply winked at her activities. This record was almost doubled by Dr.
Albert Littlefield, who ran a high-volume illegal abortion mill in
Portland for 65 years without being investigated by the police a single
There is no doubt at all that, if these abortionists were butchering
women, the police would have immediately moved in and closed them down.
In fact, in her book, Barnett states that "And there is one
figure of which I am entirely certain. In all those [40,000] abortions
over all those years, I never lost a single patient."
Barnett also left us a revealing glimpse of her 'front-alley'
abortion clinic, which was universe departed from the filthy mills that
make up the grist of pro-abortion propaganda;
In the movies, they always depict the fallen woman sneaking up
a dirty, rickety stairway to a dismal room or making her way, furtively,
into a dark alley that leads to a decrepit shack where some alcoholic
doctor or untutored butcher performs the abortion.
A clinic such as mine was not that way at all. It was a bright,
cheerful place where women's problems were handled quickly, efficiently
and with dignity, no matter what the circumstances of the
Keep in mind that Barnett was not a medical doctor, and that
her abortion training consisted solely of performing
abortions. And yet her safety record is probably unsurpassed by any legal
abortionist who has performed as many (or more) abortions.
Barnett was not the only abortuary operator in the 'Abortion Capital
of the Northwest." In her book, she describes the office of George
Watt, another illegal abortionist; "Here, as in his consulting
room, I was impressed with not only the antiseptic cleanliness but the
wholesome purity that stems from plenty of hot water and soap
Finally, in 1951, Barnett was investigated not by the police, but by
an ambitious newspaper journalist who was determined to make a name for
himself. As Detective Barney Shields reminisced, "We never bothered
any abortion clinics. Everybody knew of them ... "
This kind of statement makes pro-lifers wonder whether the police
will enforce the law against illegal abortionists as enthusiastically
(and brutally) as they do against rescuers, should abortion again become
Stories of horrible illegal Mexican abortion mills
and drunken, lecherous Mexican abortionists crowd pro-abortion
propaganda pulp novels and provide a vivid but fictional portrait of the
way things were before Roe v. Wade.
One Zero Population Growth writer describes a report from a young
woman who she referred to an abortionist (Dr. Ponce) in Mexico City:
Things were really good down in Mexico City. Everything happens
so fast there is almost an aura of fantasy. The clinic (more like a
mansion really) is very nice and comfortable.
There were about seventeen women there the morning I had the D&C
done, plus some in the afternoon. They get you up right after and feed
you fruit and drink and cookies right away helps take your mind off the
Some of us went sightseeing that afternoon. Mexico City is really
nice, and I had no trouble at all with any facet of the journey or my
One young woman added, somewhat apologetically, "You know,
in a way it was almost fun."
This description of Mexican abortion mills is obviously far more
accurate than the popular vision that has been foisted off on the public
for many years. This is due to several reasons;
If illegal abortionists were so plentiful and easy to access in
the United States, why would anyone want to go all the way to Mexico
unless the abortion "experience" there was better than
it was in the United States?
How could individual women have learned about Mexican abortion
mills? Think of how difficult it would have been for an average woman to
make such a connection. Obviously, pro-abortion organizations acted like
"funnels" by referring women to the illegal Mexican abortion
mills. They operated sub rosa referral centers and even, in some
cases, ran bus lines to abortion mills in Juarez and Tiujuana. They
often boast about such activities today.
If illegal abortionists ran assembly line abortion mills that
charged a thousand dollars apiece, as the pro-aborts claim, does it make
any sense that they would run the archetypical "filthy
warrens?" Wouldn't they instead try to increase business by
maintaining spotlessly antiseptic clinics like those operated by
Portland, Oregon illegal abortionist Ruth Barnett?
As far as the caricatures of illegal abortionists are
concerned, Ruth Barnett is certainly closer to the reality than some
filthy, lecherous Mexican butcher. And Barnett's story is remarkably
similar to those spun by many of today's big-name legal
abortionists, who killed thousands of babies in surroundings of tasteful
splendor long before Roe v. Wade.
A World of Pro-Abortion Lies.
It is conservatively estimated that 200,000 women worldwide die
every year from abortions that are illegal and unsafe. Here at home,
where it is safe and legal, abortion is twice as safe as tonsillectomy
and ten times safer than appendectomy ... abortion is 7 to 28 times
safer than giving birth.
1989 Planned Parenthood propaganda pamphlet entitled "The Bush
Administration: Dragging Us Back to the Back Alley."
Pro-aborts all the world over are stamped from the
same rotten mold, regardless of gender, skin color, or nationality.
Their most outstanding characteristic is that they are all born liars.
The argument that abortion should be legalized to save the lives of
hundreds of thousands of women has been used all over the world.
It is easy to add together the pro-abort's figures for deaths due to
illegal abortions in each country all over the world to arrive at their
total number of worldwide deaths caused by illegal abortions. These
figures would include current numbers in countries where abortion is now
illegal, and pre-legalization figures in countries where abortion is now
The total number of deaths we would arrive at would be more than two
million, which would make illegal abortion the number one cause
of death among women of childbearing age on this planet.
Currently, now that abortion is legal in countries that contain 70
percent of the world's population, the figure used by pro-aborts is
anywhere from 200,000 to 1,000,000 annual illegal abortion deaths.
How many women really die of illegal abortions in the world
Let us perform a few simple calculations. We will make two
assumptions favorable to the abortionists;
(1) That legal abortions worldwide have a death rate of about
40 per one million (twice that of the United States, which has some of
the best medical facilities in the world); and
(2) That illegal abortions are ten times as dangerous as legal
abortions on a worldwide basis (a number commonly quoted by Planned
Parenthood and the National Abortion Rights Action League). This results
in a figure of 400 maternal deaths per million illegal abortions.
There are currently about 55 million abortions committed
annually on a worldwide basis. Seventy percent of the world's women live
in countries where abortion is totally legal, or where there are so many
proliferating exceptions that the practical result is abortion on
demand. These 77 countries have a total population of 3.55 billion.
It should be noted that five countries that contain half of
the world's population (China, India, the United States, Japan, and the
Soviet Union), have abortion on demand, and commit about 30 million
abortions every year.
The above statistics lead to the following conclusions;
CALCULATION OF WORLDWIDE MATERNAL DEATHS CAUSED BY ILLEGAL ABORTION
Number of Population
Death Rate Maternal Deaths
40 per million
400 per million
ANNUAL WORLDWIDE DEATHS
The result is that a total of about six thousand women die
annually of illegal abortions on a worldwide basis not the 200,000 to
one million that the pro-aborts claim!
A summary of pro-abortion lies regarding maternal deaths due to
illegal abortions in various countries is shown below.
PRO-ABORTION LIES ABOUT FOREIGN MATERNAL DEATHS DUE TO ILLEGAL ABORTIONS
It is interesting to note that the pro-abort's claimed figure for
abortion deaths in each case equals or exceeds the total number of
female deaths for all causes (including all accidents and all
diseases)! This obviously means that they not only lack integrity but
common sense as well. The only reason that these lies work is that the
pro-abortion press mindlessly accepts everything the baby-killers say.
And, unfortunately, most members of the public assume that everything
that the press dishes out is truthful.
The World Health Organization has claimed that 200,000 women die from
illegal abortions each year, and from 6,000,000 to 8,000,000 more
"suffer serious, often lifelong health problems."
Some pro-abortion African medical professionals claim that as many as
74,000 African women die of illegal abortions each year.
And pro-aborts from India say that the total number of women dying of
illegal abortions before legalization was an incredible 600,000
annually. When it was pointed out that this number exceeded the total
number of women of childbearing age dying from all causes
annually in the country, the pro-aborts continued to stick with their
Perhaps the most laughable example of pro-abortion exaggeration is
BENFAM (Planned Parenthood's Brazilian affiliate) estimate of 400,000
annual deaths due to illegal abortions in Brazil.
The Reuters News Agency parroted BENFAM's claim that "... more
than 400,000 women die each year in Brazil from botched
abortions." They boldly ignored that fact that the Instituto
Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatistica (IBGE, or Brazilian Institute
of Geography and Statistics) showed that only 55,066 Brazilian women
between the ages of 14 and 50 died of all causes in 1980. The
IBGE figures were confirmed by World Health Organization statistics
showing that 41,685 Brazilian women between the ages of 15 and 41 died
in 1986 and, of these, 241 died of complications due to both legal and
This means that BENFAM is inflating the actual number of illegal
abortion deaths by a factor of (400,000/241) = 1,660!
By the way, Etienne-Emile Baulieu, the inventor of the death pill RU-486, also estimates that 200,000 women die of illegal abortions annually
in the entire world. This is another prime example of the pro-abortion
'pick a number' game.
For more detailed information on the status of abortion all over the
world, see Chapter 57, "International Abortion Situation."
Pro-abortionists also routinely lie about the
number of illegal abortions obtained by women so that they can say that
since there are so many of them, the procedure might as well be legal.
In Spain, the Neofeminists stated as fact that there were 300,000
abortions per year before legalization. The annual number of abortions
performed after legalization was about 35,000. Therefore, the
pro-aborts are expecting us to believe that the number of abortions
declined by 88 percent because of legalization!
In the United States, the favorite figure quoted by pro-aborts was
one million illegal abortions per year. In the first full year after
abortion was legalized, there were a total of 745,000 legal abortions.
Does it make sense that the number of abortions would drop after
A summary of pro-abortion exaggerations regarding the number of
illegal abortions is shown below.
PRO-ABORTION LIES ABOUT WORLDWIDE ILLEGAL ABORTIONS
The Battle of Gory Photographs.
Pro-life activists routinely display graphic pictures of aborted
babies. The pro-abort comeback to this tactic is to wave around
photographs of nude women who have supposedly butchered themselves
through self-inflicted abortions. These usually feature unclothed women
in fetal positions on a blood-soaked carpet, with the instruments of
their 'demise' in obvious view.
The surgical "instrument" is invariably either a carefully
displayed coat hanger, knitting needle, or bottle of lye skillfully
placed so the large-print label can be read by the viewer.
Curiously, identical pictures in different publications refer to
different names, times, places of death, and method of illegal abortion.
All of these pictures are supposedly extracted from the files of medical
examiners but what reputable medical examiner would release photos of
murders or suicides to the general public?
We obviously should give this pictorial 'evidence' about as much
credence as the pro-abort's tearjerker "Silent No More"
fiction competition, sponsored by national pro-abortion groups to
emphasize the "dangers of illegal abortion." In this contest,
as described previously in this chapter, women write allegedly factual
stories about beloved mothers, daughters, aunts, nieces, and friends who
have died of illegal abortions.
Whenever the story-tellers are asked for further details, they
cleverly say that they don't want to compromise the dead person's
privacy (as if a dead person cares a whole lot about her privacy). In
those few cases were details can be checked, as in the case of Frank
Mendiola's nonexistent sister, the stories invariably turn out to be
The same holds true for photographs of women supposedly killed by
illegal abortions. No pro-abortion group has ever provided adequate
documentation for even one of these photographs. And yet, these
people, who so casually lie about literally every aspect of abortion,
will become indignant indeed if their documentation is questioned.
The Inescapable Racism of Abortion.
The races of 97 of the 174 women listed in Figure 59-1 has been
identified by the accompanying references. Of these 97, 47 were Black,
15 were Latinas, 4 were Oriental, and 31 were White.
This means that 68 percent of all known legal abortion deaths where
the race of the victim has been known have occurred among minority
By comparison, Chapter 78, "The Racism of Abortion," shows
that minority women obtain only 30.8% of all abortions.
This means that the death rate among minority women who obtains
abortions is three times higher than that of White women who abort.
The deaths that occur among minority women seem to be concentrated
among high-volume abortion mills purposely located in poorer urban areas
by population controllers. For example, 32 of the 174 abortion deaths
listed in Figure 59-1 have occurred in Los Angeles, a rate five times
higher than the nation as a whole.
Chapter 78, "The Racism of Abortion," shows how abortion
clinics are concentrated in cities that have high minority populations.
This is yet another indicator of the extreme degree of racism that is
literally inseparable from the so-called "pro-choice"
The death rate among poor minority women may be even higher than
estimated, because such women have been effectively disenfranchised from
the 'system' and do not trust attorneys and anything to do with
litigation, for good reason.
Belinda Byrd, a 37-year old Black woman, had required Cesarian
sections for each of her previous three children. When she went to
abortionist Steven Pine on January 24, 1987, at 19 weeks gestation, she
weighed only 95 pounds.
Pine was a very busy baby-killer. In fact, Belinda Byrd's baby was
the 74th to die at his hands that day!
He perforated her uterus and she died three days later. As a partial
result of this botched abortion, the Inglewood Women's Hospital had its
license revoked by the State of California and closed down. However,
money is a great motivator, and it opened only two weeks later with a
different name: The West Coast Women's Medical Group. It was
subsequently bought by mega-abortionist Edward Allred (who has also
killed several women), and still functions to this day.
As Belinda's mother Mattie said,
I cry every day when I think
of how horrible her death was. She was slashed by them and then she bled
to death ... Where is the abortionist now? Has he been stopped? Has
anything happened to him because of what he did to my Belinda? ...
People tell me nothing has happened, that nothing ever happens to White
abortionists who leave young Black women dead.
For more information on the racist and eugenicist origins of
abortion, see Chapter 78 of this volume and Chapter 105 of Volume III,
The "Case" Against Childbirth.
Pro-aborts are very fond of claiming that abortion is
six [ten, twelve, twenty, pick a number] times safer than childbirth,
and their quotes reflect this strange bias. The National Abortion
Federation says that "Abortion is seven times safer than
childbirth, and carries approximately the same risk of death as a shot
of penicillin ... Statistical data confirm that legal abortion has had a
dramatically positive effect on public health." Other
Neofeminists, including Rebecca Chalker and Carol Downer, clumsily
attempt to use their doctored figures in an attempt to undermine the
pro-life movement: "One salient fact that the anti-abortion
movement cannot afford to acknowledge is that childbirth is 11 times
more dangerous that early termination abortion."
As early as the Summer of 1971, the American College of Obstetrics
and Gynecology (ACOG) filed a brief before the United States Supreme
Court stating that "The medical procedure of induced abortion is
potentially 23.3 times as safe as the process of going through ordinary
Two years later in Roe v. Wade, the United States Supreme
Court "... took as 'established medical fact' the contention that
in the first three months of pregnancy mortality in abortion is less
than mortality in childbirth."
Even today, though they have muted their rhetoric, the ACOG continues
to insist that abortion is safer than childbirth; "The medical
risks to a woman of childbirth are greater than the risks of
In fact, abortionist Lise Fortier has suggested with a straight face
that "Indeed, if one were to push logic to an extreme, since
abortion is so much safer than childbirth from a strict medical
standpoint, every pregnancy should be aborted."
There is absolutely no reason at all to bring up this
argument, since it implies that, since abortion is safer than
childbirth, every pregnant woman should immediately abort in order to
preserve her own health. This atrocious 'logic' makes the false
assumption that the mother's health is the only criterion for
It is equally logical to demand that every woman over the age of 30
should have both breasts removed in order to avoid the increased danger
due to breast cancer.
Grapes and Watermelons.
To begin with, comparing maternal abortion
mortality with maternal childbirth mortality is worse than
comparing apples to oranges; it is similar to comparing grapes to
There are basically four profound differences between abortion and
(1) Intent. A mother who seeks an abortion wants very badly to kill
her child. She does not just want to be rid of the baby; she wants to kill
it. This is evidenced by the fact that most aborting women refuse to
even consider the adoption alternative. On the other hand, a mother who
delivers her baby wants to love and nurture her child.
(2) Duration. The duration of an abortion is seldom more than two
days for prostaglandin or saline procedures, and is most often fifteen
minutes or less for first-trimester procedures. Pregnancy, delivery, and
the postpartum period averages more than a year in duration.
(3) Methodology. Abortion is always invasive and is always a surgical
procedure. Childbirth involves surgery (Cesarian section) in only about
one-fourth of all cases and this percentage is beginning to decline. In
fact, most deaths due to childbirth can be attributed to Caesareans,
most of which are unnecessary.
(4) Functions. Abortion is an artificial intrusion into and invasion
of the body's reproductive system. Childbirth is the purpose of
the reproductive system, sniveling Neofeminist propaganda
The following paragraphs calculate the actual
comparative hazard levels pertaining to childbirth and abortions.
In order to approach this problem in a logical manner, two terms must
first be defined: abortion-related mortality and childbirth-related
Abortion-related mortality is defined as those deaths resulting
directly or indirectly from both physical and emotional abortion
complications. This mortality is measured in terms of deaths per 100,000
abortion procedures and includes;
deaths "on the table" from anesthesia, bleeding, or
deaths due to abortion-caused physical complications that occur
even months later;
extreme depression leading to suicide; and
deaths due to related physical complications brought on by
abortion(s), such as mortality due to the documented
increased risk of ectopic pregnancies.
Childbirth-related mortality is measured in terms of deaths per
100,000 births, and includes all maternal deaths due to pregnancy and
its termination by whatever means, including miscarriage, natural birth,
stillbirth, ectopic pregnancy and abortion, and those deaths due
to incidents that do not result in termination of pregnancy;
embolism (most of which occur during abortions);
hypertensive diseases of pregnancy;
anesthesia complications; and
all causes included in abortion-related mortality.
The critical point to consider here is that, according to the ACOG
and other medical institutions, childbirth-related mortality includes
abortion-related mortality, because the medical community sees
"childbirth" as synonymous with "pregnancy" for
In other words, if, in a certain year, 10,000 women died of
complications due to legal abortions and only one woman died of
childbirth, abortion would still be rated safer than childbirth under
this fatally flawed statistical system!
As we continue this analysis, we must examine
further the various factors that contribute to maternal abortion and
About half of maternal childbirth deaths are due to the fact that, in
recent years, Cesarian sections have been performed in almost one-fourth
of all deliveries. Partly because they are ten times riskier than
natural childbirth, many Neofeminists and women physicians correctly
believe that many or even most C-sections are unnecessary.
However, the frequency of these major surgical procedures appears to
be decreasing and will probably fall further in the near future. This
will cause the maternal death rate for childbirth to drop even more
Additionally, maternal childbirth mortality figures include those
women who died of infections and other complications for up to six
months after delivery, whereas the abortionists only include those
numbers for women who actually die on the procedure table or very soon
after a week later, at the outside. Even prominent abortionists have
acknowledged that the number of deaths directly attributable to abortion
is at least double the number that actually occur 'on the table.'
The July 1988 Maternal Mortality Collaborative Study found that, of
the 712 maternal deaths recorded from 1980 to 1985, 111 of the recorded
deaths were due to factors in no way related to pregnancy (accidents,
homicides, unrelated diseases, etc.). This study also concluded that
10.6 percent of all reported maternal deaths were actually due to
unattended and subsequently ruptured or infected ectopic pregnancies.
Finally, abortion advocates only quote current figures for deaths due
to legal abortions. They will not acknowledge the fact that, even
when Federal programs paid for poor women's abortions, there were still
deaths due to illegal abortions. There will always be women who
abort themselves for the sake of absolute privacy, even if all barriers
to obtaining abortions have been eliminated.
Comparative Hazard Levels.
By saying that 'abortion is safer than
childbirth,' the pro-aborts are implying that abortion is preferable
to childbirth, based on an analysis of the comparative hazards of both.
If the pro-aborts were to be consistent, therefore, they should also
list (and discourage) all other activities that women participate
in that are also more dangerous than abortion.
The pro-abortionists, in pursuit of this hallowed consistency, should
also prohibit women from smoking, traveling, swimming, and riding a
bicycle and participating in most other sports, because the risks of
these activities are greater than the risks of abortion as well.
In fact, pro-abortionists should vigorously insist that women should
never shower or take a bath, since more women die in the bathtub each
year that are killed by abortion and childbirth combined!
The comparative risks of common activities engaged in by American
women are shown in Figure 59-4. Figure 59-2 calculates the actual
comparative hazards of childbirth and abortion.
Figure 59-2 shows that the maternal death rates for childbirth and
abortion are almost identical, despite the pro-abortion claim that
abortion is up to 1,000 times safer than childbirth. The actual averages
for the decade of the 1980s are as follows;
COMMON CAUSES OF WOMEN'S DEATHS, RANKED BY DEGREE OF HAZARD
Description of Activity
Probability of Death
22.5% (1 out of 4)
All cancers, except breast cancer
13.3% (1 out of 8)
(15 years of participation)
8.99% (1 out of 11)
Smoking (30 years of
smoking one pack a day)
3.79% (1 out of 26)
2.43% (1 out of 42)
Hang gliding (15 years of participation)
1.71% (1 out of 58)
1.52% (1 out of 66)
Alpine hiking (15 years of participation)
0.90% (1 out of 111)
0.72% (1 out of 139)
(15 years of participation)
0.45% (1 out of 222)
0.42% (1 out of 238)
Parachuting (1,500 freefall jumps)
0.36% (1 out of 278)
Alpine skiing (15 years of participation)
0.30% (1 out of 333)
Snowmobiling (15 years of participation)
0.195% (1 out of 513)
0.165% (1 out of 614)
Bicycling (15 years of participation)
0.018% (1 out of 5,630)
(15 years of participation)
0.015% (1 out of 6,667)
ABORTION (assumes two during lifetime)
0.014% (1 out of 6,944)
CHILDBIRTH (assumes two children,
including Cesarian deliveries)
0.011% (1 out of 9,260)
References. (1) United States Department of Commerce, Bureau of the
Census. Reference Data Book and Guide to Sources, Statistical
Abstract of the United States. 1990 (110th Edition). Washington, DC:
United States Government Printing Office. Table 115, "Deaths and
Death Rates, By Selected Causes: 1970 to 1988." (2) "Killer
Sports." U.S. News and World Report, January 15, 1990, page
COMPARATIVE RISKS OF CHILDBIRTH AND ABORTION
MATERNAL DEATH RATE DUE TO CHILDBIRTH:
8.1 per 100,000 births.
MATERNAL DEATH RATE DUE TO ABORTION:
8.0 per 100,000 abortions.
These numbers give us food for thought: How can abortion be such an
"insignificant procedure equal in hazard to a tonsillectomy or a
penicillin shot" if its death rate is virtually identical to that
of a full nine month's pregnancy and several hours of labor?
What About Other Dangers?
Yet another reason why pro-abort hand-wringing over the 'hazards' of childbirth rings hollow is that the same
people who compare the relative risks of abortion and childbirth simply
ignore surgical threats to maternal health that dwarf those posed by
abortion and childbirth combined.
What about Cesarian sections? The risk of death for a cesarian is two
to four times that of natural childbirth, and the frequency of
Caesareans have risen from 5 percent to 25 percent of all births,
primarily for the convenience of the (usually male) doctors.
This means that at least one thousand women die from mostly
unnecessary C-sections each year, but we do not hear a peep from the
pro-aborts about such widespread abuse.
And what about hysterectomies? This is perhaps the most-abused
operation aimed at either sex, and is used for a variety of purposes,
from birth control to controlling headaches. It is estimated that more
than 500 women per year die from hysterectomies.
Yet, once again, we do not hear any objections from the pro-aborts.
If pro-abortionists were really concerned about women's
health, they would not be attacking or denigrating childbirth they would
instead be vigilantly monitoring the proliferating abuses related to
unnecessary C-sections and hysterectomies.
References: Maternal Deaths and Abortion.
 Bernard Nathanson, M.D. Aborting America. Doubleday, 1979,
 Marian Faux. Roe v. Wade: The Untold Story of the Landmark
Supreme Court Decision That Made Abortion Legal. MacMillan
Publishers, 370 pages, 1990. Reviewed by Maggie Gallagher on page 45 of
the July 22, 1988 issue of National Review.
 Malcolm Potts, Peter Diggory and John Peel. Abortion.
Cambridge University Press, 1970.
 "Unfinished Business: Birth Control and Women's
Liberation." Sisterhood is Powerful (Robin Morgan, editor).
New York: Vintage Books, 1970. Page 260.
 Christopher Tietze, M.D., and Stanley K. Henshaw, M.D. Induced
Abortion: A World Review. New York: The Population Council, 1986
(6th Edition). Page 107.
 Christopher Tietze, M.D. Induced Abortion: A World View, 1983.
New York: The Population Council, 1983.
 John Benditt. "Special Report: Second-Trimester Abortions in
the United States." Alan Guttmacher Institute's Family Planning
Perspectives, November/December 1979, pages 358 to 361.
 Psychiatrist Dr. Jerome Kummer, quoted by Lester Kinsolving.
"What About Therapeutic Abortion?" Christian Century,
May 13, 1964, page 634.
 Stanley K. Henshaw, Jacqueline Darroch Forrest, and Jennifer Van
Vort. "Abortion Services in the United States, 1984 and 1985."
Family Planning Perspectives, March/April 1987, pages 67 and 68.
 Michael Fumento. "The Dying Dutchman: Coming Soon to a
Nursing Home Near You." The American Spectator, October
1991, pages 18 to 22.
 Todd Ackerman. "'Pro-Choicers' Pushing Home Abortion
Kits." National Catholic Register, September 3, 1989, page
 Matthew J. Bulfin, M.D. "Deaths and Near Deaths With Legal
Abortions." Paper presented at the American College of
Obstetricians and Gynecologists Convention at Disney World, Florida, on
October 28, 1975.
 Chicago Sun-Times, November 19, 1978.
 In the United States District Court for the Western District of
Missouri, Western Division, Civil Action No. 73CV497-W-3.
 Tulsa Tribune, July 13, 1987.
 Des Moines Register, May 5, 1983
 Willard Cates, quoted in Liz Jeffries and Rick Edmonds.
"Abortion: The Dreaded Complication." Philadelphia Enquirer,
August 2, 1981.
 United States Public Health Service. Handbook on the
Reporting of Induced Termination of Pregnancy. USPHS, PHS 7901117,
pages 2 and 11.
 State of California, Department of Vital Statistics. California
Vital Statistics (1986). Table A-2, "Maternal Deaths by
Selected Causes of Death, California, 1960-1984 (By Place of
 Christopher Tietze, Jean Pakter, and George Berger.
"Mortality with Legal Abortion in New York City, 1970-1973: A
Preliminary Report." Journal of the American Medical Association,
July 30, 1973.
 United Nations Demographic Yearbook, 1978. New York:
United Nations, 1979.
 "Women Are Not Incubators!: The Assault on Abortion
Rights." Revolutionary Communist Party of the United States, Revolutionary
Worker, November 6, 1989. Also distributed as a special reprint
booklet, pages 4 and 40.
 Brett Harvey. "The Morning After." Mother Jones,
May 1989, pages 28 to 31 and 43.
 Sherry Matulis. "Why Abortion Must Remain the Law of
the Land." The Humanist, July/August 1992, pages 35 to 37
and 49. Adapted from her 1991 "Humanist Heroine Award" speech.
 Quoted from the May 22, 1985 Congressional Record and
quoted in "Wimps of the Week," The Review of the NEWS,
July 3, 1985, pages 55 and 56.
 "Pro-Life Action League Helps Expose Pro-Abortion
"Bomber."" The Advocate [publication of Advocates
for Life Ministries], Portland, Oregon, May 1988, page 10. Also see Patt
Morrison. "Pro-Choice Activist Faces Sentence for Phony Threats to
Bomb Clinics." Los Angeles Times, December 10, 1987.
 Rebecca Salstrom. "Menstrual Extraction: Is Self Help
Making a Comeback?" WomenWise [a publication of the New
Hampshire Federation of Feminist Womens Health Centers], Spring 1992,
 Janice Perrone. "Controversial Abortion Approach." American
Medical News, January 12, 1990, pages 9 and 18 to 20.
 Candy Berkebile. "Feminists Teach
"Do-It-Yourself" Abortions." Quoted in Family Voice
[a publication of Concerned Women for America], June 1992, pages 12 and
 New York Times, October 6, 1982.
 Albert Altchek, M.D. Emergency Medicine, September 1973.
 Ruth Barnett. They Weep On My Doorstep. Beaverton,
Oregon: Halo Publishers, 1969. Pages 9, 36, 39, 40, 46, and 70.
 Jann Mitchell. "My Mother, Ruth Barnett." The
Oregonian, October 27, 1987.
 Anne Nicol Gaylor. Abortion is a Blessing. New York, New
York: Psychological Dimensions, Inc. 1975, 124 pages. Page 8.
 D. Kurchoff, Deutsches Arztblatt, Volume 69, Number 27,
October 26, 1972. Also Portuguese Anuario Estatistico, Tables 11,
16, and 111. Also John Cavanaugh-O'Keefe and Kathleen Essex.
"Protecting Life in Brazil." HLI Reports, September
1989, page 1.
 Jodi L. Jacobson. "Coming to Grips With Abortion."
Pages 114 to 131. In the Worldwatch Institute's State of the World
1991 Report. W.W. Norton Publishers, London, 1991. Also issued as
Worldwatch Paper #97, The Global Politics of Abortion.
 Khama Rogo. "Induced Abortion in Africa" (unpublished
draft), prepared for the Population Association of America annual
meeting in Toronto, Canada, May 2 to May 3, 1990. Also in page 129.
 Priya Darshini. "Abortions Increase in India." The
Oregonian, September 3, 1989, page A9.
 November 13, 1991. Reuters news service releases of various
titles to newspapers all over the world. Also see the December 30, 1991
letter of Dr. Geraldo Hideu Osanai, President, Associacao Pro-Vida de
Brasilia to Andrew M. Nibley and Thomas D. Thompson of the Reuters
News Agency in New York City.
 Primum Non Nocere, Volume IV, Number 1, 1983.
 Undated letter from Mrs. Mattie Byrd (mother of Belinda Byrd,
who died January 27, 1987), quoted in Feminists for Life of America amicus
brief in the case of Webster vs. Reproductive Health Services,
 National Abortion Federation booklet, "Twelve Years of
Legal Abortion." 1985, pages 2 and 7.
 Rebecca Chalker and Carol Downer. A Woman's Book of Choices:
Abortion, Menstrual Extraction, RU-486. Four Walls Eight Windows
Press, Post Office 548, Village Station, New York, New York 10014. 1992,
271 pages. Page 68.
 Atlanta Journal and Constitution, April 5, 1989.
 Lise Fortier, M.D., Medical Director of Planned Parenthood of
Los Angeles. OB/GYN News, December 1, 1980.
 Robert G. Marshall. "Is Abortion Safer Than Childbirth?
Reasons for Doubt." Article published in 1984 by the American Life
League, Post Office Box 1350, Stafford, Virginia 22554.
 Diana B. Pelitti et.al. "In-Hospital Maternal
Mortality in the United States: Time Trends and Relation to Method of
Delivery." Obstetrics & Gynecology, January 1982, page
 Ruth Toumala. "Hysterectomy." Harvard Medical
School Health Letter, May 1988, page 8. Also see Richard C. Dicker et.al.
"Complications of Abdominal and Vaginal Hysterectomy Among Women of
Reproductive Age in the United States." American Journal of
Obstetrics and Gynecology, December 1, 1982, pages 841 to 848.
Further Reading: Maternal Deaths and Abortion.
Ruth Barnett. They Weep on My Doorstep.
Portland, Oregon. May be ordered from Post Office Box 1383, Silver
Springs, Florida 32688-1383. 223 pages. This is a fascinating account of
a naturopath who committed illegal abortions in Portland, Oregon, with
the full knowledge of the authorities, for more than 40 years. This book
tells the real story of what illegal abortions were like before Roe
v. Wade: Barnett describes how immaculate her clinic was, how few
complications she had (no deaths in 40,000 abortions), how phony the
"back-alley" abortion stories are, and how she accumulated
millions of dollars and lives a lavish lifestyle. This book is a
"must-read" for any pro-life activist who wants the real scoop
on the days of illegal abortions, and not some weepy propaganda piece by
fictionalized "brutalized" women.
Rebecca Chalker and Carol Downer. A Woman's Book of Choices:
Abortion, Menstrual Extraction, RU-486.
New York: Four Walls Eight
Windows Press. 1992. It is an ominous sign of the times that illegal
abortion manuals were printed by the Neofeminists 25 years ago in
secrecy and passed hand to hand, and now they are sold in mainline
bookstores and sit innocently on library shelves. This book was written
by the Neofeminists in anticipation of tougher days, and is a totally
unselfconscious description and endorsement of all of the 'self-help'
methods of abortion.
Suzanne Gage. When Birth Control Fails: How to Abort Ourselves
Speculum Press/Self-Health Circle, Inc., Post Office Box
1063, Hollywood, California 90028. 1979, 54 pages. A very interesting
short book on the equipment that has been used in the past by women's
illegal abortion circles, and which will be used in the future when
women set up "Jane" networks once again. This book (and others
like it) will then be of interest to pro-life activists who are working
to derail the abortion movement's "underground railroads."
This book shows how to self-examine, how to construct the Del-Em home
suction abortion machine, and also gives information on herbal
Anne Nicol Gaylor. Abortion is a Blessing.
Psychological Dimensions Publishers. 1975, 122 pages. This
amazingly-entitled book, by a Zero Population Growth fanatic (who
hypocritically has four children), accurately reflects the author's
attitudes. The book jerkily swings from third-rate psychological
analysis of the "antis" (that's us, folks) to virulent
anti-Catholic tirades ("card-carrying Catholics" shouldn't be
allowed to sit on juries when abortion is involved) to stomach-turning
and obviously false tearjerker stories of desperate women who were
butchered by illegal abortions. The book makes fascinating reading,
however, for many reasons: The crude and nightmarish cartoons (one of
which shows a one-ton embryo strangling its mother with its umbilical
cord) to women's accounts of trips to Mexico for illegal abortions,
which were performed in spotless facilities by polite and accomplished
doctors a very far cry indeed from the alleged butchery that modern
pro-aborts like to snivel about.
Thomas W. Hilgers, M.D., Dennis J. Horan, and David Mall (editors). New
Perspectives on Human Abortion.
Frederick, Maryland: Aletheia Books,
University Publications of America, 1981. A superb compilation of essays
by the most experienced pro-lifers in the land, dealing with virtually
all of the basic issues involved in taking human life. An excellent
primer for any pro-life activist. Articles include "Abortion
Related Maternal Mortality: An In-Depth Analysis," on pages 69 to
91, and "An Objective Model for Estimating Criminal Abortions and
its Implications for Public Policy," on pages 164 to 181.
Ellen Messer and Kathryn E. May. Back Rooms: Voices From the
Illegal Abortion Era.
St. Martin's Press, 175 Fifth Avenue, New
York, New York 10010. 1988, 230 pages. This interesting book tells the
stories of about 25 women who had abortions before it was legal in this
country. Several obvious features give it away as a pro-abortion
propaganda/fiction piece; all of the women are anonymous; pro-lifers and
anyone who stood in the way of "progressive" abortion law
repeal or reform are painted as demons; the abortionists are depicted as
heros; and there is a special chapter canonizing Lawrence Lader, Bill
Baird, and the "reverend" Robert Hare. Spend a rainy day
counting the literally hundreds of inconsistencies physical
Ann Saltenberger. Every Woman Has the Right to Know the Dangers of
1983, 237 pages. Order from Air-Plus Enterprises,
Post Office Box 367, Glassboro, New Jersey 08028, or Sun Life, Greystone,
Thaxton, Virginia 24174, telephone: (703) 586-4898. Reviewed by Daniel
J. Martin, M.D. on page 8 of the November 24, 1983 issue of National
Right to Life News. This book goes into minute detail about every
imaginable type of physical or psychological harm that could possibly
arise from abortion. It also addresses the impact on other family
members, particularly siblings. The appendix to the book features over
© American Life League BBS 1-703-659-7111
This is a chapter of the Pro-Life Activist's Encyclopedia
published by American Life League.