ENDNOTES

ENDNOTES

1cf. Reid, The Municipalities of the Roman Empire.

2Lebreton, Origines du Dogme de la Trinite.

3Not, of course, the Ionian philosopher of the sixth century B.C., but the writer who, six or seven hundred years later, wrote, under the name Heraclitus, the Homeric Allegories.

4So great are the risks of distorting this subject by abridgment that it would certainly have been easier to have left this section unwritten. But the other risk remained that unless the essentials of the Gospel of Jesus Christ are set forth at the beginning of the history of His Church that history could hardly be intelligible.

5"Our accustomed ears can hardly guess what that word 'cross' meant to His startled followers" (C. C. Martindale, S.J.).

6cf. I Cor. viii, 4-6, vi, 9-11, xv, 1-2, 3 especially, for the recognised contrast between the Church and the human methods I Cor. i, 22-24, also II Cor. v, 17-20. I Thess. ii, 4, 9, 13. Rom. vi, 17.

7This ancient treatise commonly known by its Greek name The Didache was probably written in the last quarter of the first century, where, and for whom, and by whom we do not know. It treats of Christian Asceticism, gives directions for the liturgical offices of Baptism and the Holy Eucharist, and deals with the qualifications necessary for the different Church officers. cf. H. J. Chapman, O.S.B., in Catholic Encyclopedia Art. Didache.

8For a longer discussion of this matter cf. infra pp. 59-60.

9A. Profumo, La memoria di S. Pietro nella regione Salari- Nomentana Rome, 1916.

10The excavations undertaken, since 1915, in the basilica of St. Sebastian, which, once upon a time, from the fourth century, was a " basilica of the apostles " have brought to light six feet below the ground, towards the centre of the building, the remains of a still more ancient building dating from the middle of the third century. It is " a small, irregular hall closed on three sides, open on the fourth in a kind of portico. The mural decorations, the inscriptions on the walls, the remains of a bench and of a fountain have led to its recognition as a room built for meetings and for banquets. Whence its now famous name 'La Triclia.' "

On what remains of the walls, no more than three feet in height, more than two hundred graffiti have been discovered of the names of the apostles Peter and Paul. The accompanying invocations, the occasional mention of a meal (refrigerium) all point to the place having been a centre of devotion, that mentioned in old liturgical and hagiographical documents as placed on the Via Appia at the place called Ad Catacumbas, that is to say on the site of the present basilica of St. Sebastian. What memory of the Apostles was it that was honoured here? Before the excavations opinion was divided. " One theory held that it was the tradition of the house where the Apostles (or St. Peter only) once lived. Another the memory of a place where their bodies once rested. Those who held this second theory were in turn divided. One school accepted as true the old legend of Easterns coming to Rome to steal the relics of the Apostles and halted by the pursuit at this very place on the Appian Way. Others, who rejected this legend, held to a translation of the remains made by the Romans themselves. Whence again a further division-some holding that the bodies were buried first on the Via Ostia where are their tombs, others that the relics were taken from these tombs and hidden for a time at the Catacombs to save them from profanation during the persecution of Valerian in 258 " (G. de Jerphanion, Les dernieres decouvertes dans la Rome souterraine in Etudes, April 5, 1922 p. 61).

The discoveries actually made do not solve the problem. They have revealed the existence of a cultus, without being able to suggest the motive which gave rise to it. At the most, chronological coincidences would seem to incline one to accept the hypothesis of a translation in 258. On the other hand serious difficulties can be urged against this. (cf. J. P. Kirsch, Das neuentdeckte Denkmal der Apostel Petrus und Paulus an der appischen Strasse in Rom. in Romische Quartalschrift fur Kiirchengeschichte, xxx, (1916-1922), pp. 5-28.)

11Maximus of Tyre, On the God of Plato, 11, 12, quoted LEBRETON Origines du Dogme de la Trinite II, pp. 75, 76.

12So with Love. In the system of Valentine it is the principle of all the emanations. It is not Love in the Christian sense, however, but the simple desire of the physical pleasure associated with sex.

13Propter potentiorem principalitatem. Adv. Her. III, 3, 2. For the translation of this much-discussed phrase cf. Batiffol, L'Eglise Naissante pp. 251-2, Dawson. Making of Europe, p. 33 n.

14" We must obey the elders in the Church, who hold the succession from the Apostles. . who with the episcopal succession have received the sure gift of truth. As for the rest, who are divorced from the principal succession and gather where they will, they are to be held in suspicion, as heretics and evil thinkers, faction makers, swelled-headed self-pleasing. . . " (Adv. Haereses, iv, 26, 2.) " It is through the Church that it has been arranged for us to receive what Christ communicates i.e., the Holy Spirit, the confirmation of our faith and the ladder to mount to God. ' For in the Church ' He says, ' God hath placed Apostles, prophets, teachers (I Cor. xii, 28) and all that other working of the Spirit in which none of those share who, instead of hastening to the Church, rob themselves of life by following evil opinions and a wicked way of life. For with the Church is the Spirit of God to be found, and with the Spirit of God there the Church and all grace: the Spirit indeed being truth. Those therefore who share not that Spirit are not nourished in life at the breasts of their mother nor do they receive of that most pure stream which flows from the body of Christ " (Adv. Her., iii, 24, 1).

15xx. 1-6.

16cf TIXERONT Hist. des dogmes Vol. I, ch. iv, 8; BARDY, G., art. Millenarisme

17Since they professed to uphold at all costs the oneness of the divinity, " the monarchy " as they never tire of calling it, and since they taught, in logical conclusion from their theory, that it was the Father whom Mary conceived and who died for us, the appropriateness of their many-sounding name is evident.

18Modalism -- because for those who refused to acknowledge the real distinction between the Father and the Son, Father and Son were simply modes of the Divine Being.

19Tertullian was, however, considerably less successful in his theories about the divine generation of the Logos and in his argument to prove the consubstantiality of the Logos with the Father.

20Christus, pp. 532-4

21cf. P. ALFARIC Les Ecritures Manicheenes 2 vols. Paris 1918.

F. C. BIRKITT The Religion of the Manichees. Cambridge 1925.

C. SCHMIDT Neue Originalquellen des Manichaismus aus Aegypten. Stuttgart 1933.

J. LEBRETON Gnosticism Marcionism Manichaeism in Studies in Comparative Religions (edit. E. C. Messenger, London 1934) is a good popular account written by a specialist.

22Lebreton, Origines du Dogme de la Trinite.

23For a masterly, documented study cf. PIERRE DE LABRIOLLE. Les Debuts du Monachisme in F. & M. III 299-370.

24The title of J. B. de Rossi's classic work (1864-1867): catacombs have been discovered elsewhere too, at Naples, in Tuscany, in Sicily, in Africa, at Alexandria and in Asia Minor.

25Tertullian, St. Cyprian, Councils of Elvira (300) and Arles (314).

26Athenagoras

27St. Ignatius

28Tertullian

29Hermas, St. Irenaeus Tertullian, St. Cyprian, the Council of Elvira and Rome constantly. The Council of Arles is evidence of a less stringent opinion

30St. Irenaeus, Tertullian, Didascalia

31Tertullian

32Athenagoras, St. Theophilus of Antioch, Tertullian, Didascalia

33St. Denis of Alexandria.

34One feature of Diocletian's reforms should be noted for it had its effect in the history of the Church. This was his subdivision of the existing provinces, and the grouping of the new provinces into dioceses. The dioceses again were grouped into praetorian prefectures. See map.

35J. R. Palanque notes, as an important change, that now, for the first time, each Christian community, each church, is given legal recognition: previously it had been the Christian religion as such; F. & M. III, 22.

36One tenth only of the population Christian: so J. R. Palanque in F. & M. III 27 note 6.

37Some part of the responsibility for the troubles that came of the emperors' failure to understand their true place within the Church must, thinks Palanque be laid upon the bishops; but he notes well how they were handicapped by the emotions of the sudden revolution in the fortune of religion, the new utterly unprecedented situation, the undoubted enthusiasm -- of Constantine especially -- for the triumph of the cause of Christ; cf F. & M. III, 65.

38The full detail of the theories of St. Lucian of Antioch is not known; they were certainly strongly tainted with subordinationism; cf. BARDY in F. M. III, 72.

39There was one bishop from Africa, one from Spain, one from Gaul

40cf. Palanque in F. & M. III, 29, for whom Constantine is " un passione. . temeraire. . . un impulsif. . esprit puissant mais confus. . superstitieux. . ' who combines " une mystique sincere " with " une ambition demesuree ".

41e.g. St. Hilary of Poitiers.

42vid. inf. 225-6.

43cf. sup. page 194

44For a very different account of this involved affair cf. G. Bardy's summary in F. & M. III-173-4, according to which Meletius had allied himself with the more political type of Arians, the so- called Homoeans, who favoured and promoted equivocal substitutes for the homoousion; and although his own belief may very well not have been so unorthodox, there was good reason for the suspicion aroused by his conduct and by his choice of allies. e.g. George of Alexandria and Acacius of Caesarea.

45The civil diocese called Oriens: cf. the map which follows the index.

46Batiffol. Le Siege Apostolique, p. 141

47November 11, 430

48The four bishops arrived at Constantinople on December 7, 430

49Its crucial phrase, which everyone at the time ascribed to St. Athanasius was in fact of the mint of Apollinaris himself ! It is one of St. Cyril's favourite formulae to express his teaching, " one incarnate physis of God the Word. "

50i.e. cf. February, 430, cf. supra p. 241

51Early in August

52Batiffol, Mgr. Pierre, Le Siege Apostolique, p. 393.

53The legates had no Greek -- the language. of course, in which the business was being transacted.

54cf. H. J. Chapman, O.S.B., Bishop Gore and the Catholic Claims, 1905, p. 91, quoting Mansi, VI 1048

55By Monophysite is not meant an adherent of the peculiar tenets of Eutyches, but one who held that St. Cyril's terminology was alone orthodox, that Theodoret and all his school were actually Nestorians (whether they knew it or not) and (after Chalcedon) that the Tome of St. Leo was just as heretical. These first Monophysites held indeed the Catholic doctrine about the relations between the divine and human in Our Lord, as truly as did St. Cyril or St. Leo. But because St. Leo expressed that doctrine otherwise than in St. Cyril's language they regarded him as a heretic and because Chalcedon had accepted and used St. Leo's terminology they rejected it as an heretical council.

56BATIFFOL, MGR. PIERRE, Le Siege Apostolique, p. 381. cf. also G. BARDY "L'equivoque a plane sur cette reconciliation, qui ne resout aucun probleme et laisse subsister le canon tant discute" in FLICHE ET MARTIN IV, 266 n. 2.

57It is a dangerous thing to coin new names. I retain this unfortunate example in order to correct it by saying that " ultra- Cyrillians " would have been nearer the fact (for St. Cyril assuredly would have disowned them -- they are the " wild men " of his party with whom he had his own difficulties after the settlement of 433). Actually these are the Monophysites of the first generation.

58 i.e. The Stammerer

59His feast is kept as Pope and Martyr on June 20

60As Pelagius endeavoured to make clear

61 tupos peri pisteos: i.e. outline of the faith.

62Forty three bishops were present at the opening session; 174 signed the final act.

63Also called Quini-Sext, because intended to supplement (by canons about discipline) the Fifth and Sixth General Councils (i.e. those of 553 and 680-1).

64What Mensurius had done was to remove the sacred books and leave heretical works in their place. When the persecutors carried these off he did nothing to hinder them, nor to deceive them.

65Who by this time had succeeded Maiorinus as the party's primate

66He was born in 354.

67These "books of the Platonists" were St. Augustine's " first meeting with Metaphysics; it was decisive". GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age (second edition, 1944), 126

68The Neoplatonist influence must not be exaggerated. "Deeply as (St. Augustine) was influenced by Platonism, never for an instant does be admit that matter is evil, nor that the soul is linked with the body as punishment for sin." Gilson, ib. 133, who refers to the "metaphysical optimism" bred in the saint by the doctrine of God's creation of all things. The whole of Gilson's section on St. Augustine should he read op. cit., pp. 125-138

69Romans xiii, 13, 14

70Mgr. Duchesne, Histoire ancienne de l'Eglise, III, 209. " Pelage doit etre considere comme le representant d'une tendance, beaucoup plus que comme un initiateur."

71It was of this reply that St. Augustine spoke in words which -- in a stronger if less accurate version -- have become famous through controversial use. " In connection with this matter two councils have approached the Apostolic See Its reply is now to hand. The case is finished, may the error finish too."

72Which unfortunately is lost so that we cannot say in what terms they were condemned

73cf. Vol. I, p. 239

74St. Augustine, De peccatorum meritis et remissione, 1, 57, quoted in TIXERONT, Histoire des Dogmes, II, 473.

75On this cf. GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, p. 137

76K. ADAM, St. Augustine the Odyssey of his soul, 29. cf. also Gilson (op. cit., 126) speaking of the saint's baptism, " The evolution of St. Augustine was not yet completed. Not well instructed in the faith he was embracing, it remained for him to get a better knowledge of it and then, in his turn to teach it. This was to be the work of a lifetime, but (keeping to what concerns his philosophical ideas) we can well say that Augustine will live on the fund of Neoplatonism amassed in that first enthusiasm of the years 385-386. He will never increase that fund; he will draw upon it less and less willingly as he grows old; but his whole philosophical technique will derive from it."

77C. C. MARTINDALE, S.J., in A Monument to St. Augustine, p. 101.

78E. I. WATKIN, ib., P. 119

79For the text cf. Dean Welldon's edition, 2 vols., London (S.P.C.K.), 1924. There is much need of a new translation. That published in the very accessible editions of The Temple Classics and Everyman's Library made by John Healy in 1610, is heavy and ungainly -- in these editions several chapters are omitted, but the introduction by Ernest Barker is good compensation. For the full text of Healy see the edition in the Ancient and Model n Library of Theological Literature. As an introduction to the study of the book cf. CHRISTOPHER DAWSON in A Monument to St. Augustine (pp. 43-77). GILSON, Eglise et Societe in La Philosophie au Moyen Age 155-173, and ch. iv of his Introduction a l'etude de S. Augustine. ARQUILLIERE H.X., L'Augustinisme Politique, Paris 1934, studies the whole history of St. Augustine's influence on the political ideas of the Middle Ages. JOSEPH RICKABY S.J. St. Augustine's City of God. A View of the contents. (London, 1925), is a very readable account with well-chosen quotations. More than five hundred medieval manuscripts of the work are still in existence, the earliest of which go back to the century following St. Augustine's death. In the first generation of the new invention of printing (1467-1495) twenty-four editions of it were produced.

80At least half as long again as this present volume.

81DAWSON, op. cit., 75.

82"Never, in these early years of the fifth century was the way easy for the Christian advance. Educated Pagans showed a marvellous skill in using the articles of the Creed to arouse perplexities in the Christian mind. . . . St. Augustine's correspondence shows him consulted from all parts on innumerable points. . . . He never shirked a difficulty or a discussion. . . . There was nothing self-centred about his genius. He lived the life of his age, shared its anxieties and sorrows. . . . The gigantic work on the City of God is a characteristic product of this charity for souls. cf. DELABRIOLLE in F.& M. III, 201-2.

83DAWSON, op. cit., 77

84The relations of Rome with the churches of the East during these centuries are the subject of the greater part of Vol. I of this work

85Christianity in Roman Britain is considered in ch. 3, § iii.

86i.e. Bishops of the civil diocese called Italia

87In 343 or 347; cf. Vol. I, pp. 204-5

88For a documented account Of the Christianised West towards the end of the fourth century, cf. P. DE LABRIOLLE, Monachisme-Morale et Spiritualite -- La Culture Chretienne in F. & M. III (1937), 299-436.

89This is the famous Formula of Hormisdas, the basis of the reconciliation of the East six years later; cf., Vol. I, pp. 270- 1; and for the text of the Formula, DENZINGER No. 171

90' For which cf. Vol. I, pp. 266-71.

91cf. Vol. I, pp. 252-61

92vid. supra., pp. 31-36

93cf. Vol. I, pp. 236-71.

94Honorius, brother of Galla Placidia

95DUCHESNE L'Eglise au VIme siecle, p. 120

96cf. Vol. I, pp. 270-1

97Boethius left behind him a classification of the sciences, and a general scheme of education that was in great part to preserve the intellectual life of Europe for the next thousand years. He wrote, scientifically, on music, on grammar, on arithmetic on geometry. In theology his " opuscula set the example, which will haunt the best minds of the Middle Ages, of a theology built up scientifically, and, according to his own expression, deduced according to rules from terms previously defined", GILSON La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 150. Boethius set himself to interpret Greek philosophy to the Latin world; and, as a first means, he proposed to translate into Latin the whole of Plato and of Aristotle. This immense task he never indeed realised. But " Boethius, we may say, became through his various treatises Professor of Logic to the whole of the Middle Ages, down to the moment when, in the thirteenth century, the complete Organon of Aristotle himself (i.e. the collection of Aristotle's works on logic) was translated into Latin and directly commented", ibid. 139 for the philosophical achievement and importance of Boethius cf. ib. pp. 138-50

98His feast as a martyr is kept on May 22; that of Boethius (St. Severinus Boethius) on Oct. 23

99His feast as pope and martyr is kept on June 20

100Prosper of Aquitaine

101Many questions have been revived by T. F. O'Rahilly's book The Two Patricks (Dublin, 1942), discussed at great length in Irish Historical Studies, VIII (1943) Irish Ecclesiastical Record Vol. IX (1942), and Studies Vol. XXXII (1943), by J. O'Doherty, J. Ryan, S.J., G. Murphy, E. MacNeill and F. Shaw.

102RYAN, S.J., Irish Monasticism

103CHAPMAN, J., O.S.B., St. Benedict and the Sixth Century, pp. 203-4.

104The Rule of St. Benedict, ch. xl. Trans. Cardinal Gasquet, London, 1909, p. 75

105CHAPMAN, O.S.B., op. cit., p. 172

106CHAPMAN, O.S.B., op. cit., p. 172

107BATIFFOL, St. Gregoire e le Grand, p. 225

108cf. infra, p. 95-96

109Licinianus of Carthagena; cf BATIFFOL, op. cit., 94

110cf. Vol. I, pp. 282-5

111There is a good, clear and documented account in TIXERONT, Histoire des Dogmes III ch. viii (pp. 274-312), cf. also FRITZ, Orange (II Concile d') in D.T.C. XI, cc. 1087-1103

112For the history of this reconciliation and of the schism of Acacius which preceded it, cf. Vol. I, pp. 266-271

113For the text of the decree of Orange cf. DENZINGER nos. 174-200

114cf. TIXERONT, Histoire des Dogmes III, 310-12, also II, 504- 512.

115For a documented account of the history of these theological controversies between the death of St. Augustine and the Council of Orange (430-529) cf. G. DE OLINVAL, La consolidation du dogme catholique in F. & M. IV (1939), 120-128, 397-419, which does not, however, replace TIXERONT, Op. Cit.

116Council of Macon

117Council of Eauze, 551

118Council of Agde, 506

119Metz was his capital

120For a brief discussion of the historical difficulties which this account of the matter raises cf. DUCHESNE, L'Eglise au VIme, p. 570.

121TIXERONT, op. cit. III, 374.

122History of the Byzantine Empire from 716 to 1057, Everyman's Library Edition, p. 10.

123Canon 36. KIRCH, Enchiridion Fontium Historiae Ecclesiasticae Antiquae, p. 203

124But cf. TIXERONT, op. cit. III, 451, who thinks differently.

125Volume I of this work is largely taken up with the story of this development and of the Roman See's struggle against it.

126cf. Vol. I pp. 304-5.

127The letters to the emperor are now considered genuine cf. C. Dawson, Medieval Religion, pp. 13-14.

128i.e. those of 431, 451, 680

129An earlier instance is the anointing of the King of the Picts by St. Columcille n 574. St. Gildas, a generation earlier still, speaks of the practice as customary in Britain.

130Until Pius VI (1775-1799).

131cf. supra, pp. 64-65.

132Imperator intra ecclesiam, non supra ecclesiam est. cf.: Vol. I, pp. 216-19, for St. Ambrose's role as a pioneer of the theoretical statement of the Church's freedom within the Christian State.

133Dionysius Exiguus

134His knowledge of Greek, however, seems to have been acquired on the continent cf. ESPOSITO in Studies, Vol. I, 679-80

135The first mention of these works is at Constantinople in 533 during the conferences between Catholics and Monophysites

136Acts xvii, 34

137That pseudo-Denis was not Severus, the great theologian of the Monophysites, no one will doubt after J. Lebon's study -- Le pseudo-Denys l'Areopagite et Severe d'Antioche in Rev. d'histoire eccles. t. xxvi, pp. 880-915 (1930); for Severus cf. Vol. I, ch. x

138For pseudo-Denis " one of the most important sources of medieval thought ", so GILSON op. cit. 80 cf. pp. 80-9 of this great book. It was one of the major problems of the later scholastics to give Denis an orthodox interpretation without baldly declaring him to be in the wrong; cf. ib. 85, and, on p. 588, " The authority of the pseudo convert of St. Paul was too great for it to be possible to ignore him. It was all the more necessary to find a way round him, which is why we find so many Commentaries on his works, from Hugh of St. Victor to St. Thomas Aquinas himself, whose chief aim (not admitted indeed, and perhaps even unconscious) was to extract the poison from them. "

139". . . cette immense epopee metaphysique, " GILSON

140For Erigena GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, pp. 201-22

141Summoned by Justinian II, it met at Constantinople in 692; cf. Vol. I, pp. 302-5

142MlGNE, Patrologia Latina, 119, cols. 926-62

143Text in Denzinger, Enchiridion Symbolorum (ed. 1921), no. 171: translation in Fortescue, The Orthodox Eastern Church pp. 85-6. For the story of Acacius cf. Vol. I, pp. 265-71

144" Haec, quae dicta sunt, rerum probantur effectibus. "

145" Id est non consentientes Sedi Apostolicae. "

146" Eighth session 8 November, 869; ninth session 12 February, 870

147At the " Robber Council " (Latrocinium) of Ephesus 449 and ufter it: cf. Vol. I, pp. 252-7

148For the Latin text of the canons cf. SCHROEDER, Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils 531-541, who also gives an English paraphrase, 156-76. His introduction needs to be corrected in the light of Dvornik and Grumel's discoveries. DENZINGER prints the Latin and the Greek versions of parts of six canons: nos. 336-341.

149The story of the Second Photian Schism (879-893) accepted by all Latin and Western historians down to fifteen years, ago or so, and of the anti-Roman character of the Council of Constantinople of 879, is now abandoned. For an account of one of the most surprising historical discoveries of all time -- the work, principally of V Grumel and F. Dvornik -- cf. E. AMANN in the concluding chapter of FLICHE & MARTIN, VOL. VI.

150AMANN in F. & M., VII, 125.

151Arsenius, married before he received major orders.

152Carloman had died in 880.

153Leo VII (936-939), Stephen VIII (939-942), Marinus II (942- 946), Agapitus II (946-955).

154DUCHESNE Les premiers temps de l'etat pontifical, 3rd. ed. 1911, p. 335. It would be rash to ignore the judgement of such a scholar on the evidence for the case against John XII. On the other hand, one of the principal witnesses against the pope is Liutprand of Cremona, not only an enemy and a strong partisan of the pope's political adversaries, but surely, one of the classic gossips of all time: cf. the admirable translation, due to Professor Wright, of The Works of Liutprand of Cremona (London, 1930).

155Otto I had died May 7, 973

156"This was the first time that a cleric who was a foreigner to Italy and to Rome ascended the throne of St. Peter. " E. AMANN in F. &. M. VII, 65.

157bribed He was canonised by Eugene III in 1152, and his feast is kept on July 15

158The story that Benedict sold the papal office to this godfather, Gratian, is now considered by the leading authority on the affair, Augustin Fliche, to be a legend forged in order to justify Henry III's deposition of Gregory VI at Sutri (cf. La Reforme Gregorienne t. 1., p. 107, n. 2). cf. AMANN " Gratien on ne sait trop dans (quelles conditions, devenait le pape Gregoire VI " in F. & M., VII, 92.

159At St. Basle-de-Verzy

160Council of Tivoli, 895.

161cf. A. Dumas in F. & M. VII, 235, quoting a chronicler of the time, Thietma of Merseburg, and also St. Peter Damian's testimony of the words used by the emperor as he handed the crozier, " Receive the church of ..."

162cf. FLICHE, A., La Reforme Gregorienne II, 182, for whom the decrees of St. Gregory VII consider the bishopric over which a bishop presides " comme un bloc dont on ne peut rien distraire"!

163" Ives recognises that, in regard to their temporal possessions, the bishoprics are dependent on the king: and he allows that lay investiture does not violate the Church's principles provided that it is understood that lay investiture does not communicate authority that is spiritual. One would seek in vain for any such theory as this in Gregory VII or in Cardinal Humbert, for whom the temporal authority of the bishop is inherent in his spiritual power. . . ." This was also the view of St. Peter Damian. FLICHE ibid. 181. St. Ives was born about 1035, in the Beauvaisis; he studied theology under Lanfranc, at Bec; Bishop of Chartres from 1090 to his death in 1115; it was Urban II who gave him episcopal consecration. For St. Ives cf. FLICHE in F. & M. VIII, 254-6, 333, 348, 367, 370.

164Born at Aosta in 1033, monk of Bec under Lanfranc as prior, Abbot of Bec in 1078, Archbishop of Canterbury from 1093 until his death in 1109; for whom, in connection with the subject of this chapter, cf. Z. N. BROOKE The English Church and the Papacy (1931), (esp. 147-164), and Dean Church's St. Anselm, which Brooke recommends as still the best narrative account of these events.

165Henry II was canonised by Eugene III in 1152.

166The " Truce of God," an ordinance by which all war is forbidden, under penalty of excommunication, on certain days or during certain fixed times-developed from leagues organised locally by bishops in the closing years of the tenth century (e.g. Limoges in 994, Puy 998, Poitiers 1000), DUFOURCQ (Vol. V, p. 345) gives an example of the oaths sworn by members of such a league at Beauvais in 1023. " I will not in any way break into any church, nor into the cellar of any church. . . I will not attack clerics nor monks. . . I will not carry off peasants, or their womenfolk, nor traders. . . I will not destroy or set fire to houses, I will not root up the vines." The earliest trace of the " Truce of God " IS the council of Elne in 1027. It developed through the next hundred years and finally, with the General Councils of the following century, it became the universal law of the Church.

167FLICHE (La Reforme Gregorienne who takes a much less favourable view of Henry III argues that at Sutri the king deposed both Gregory VI and Silvester III. Henry's objection to all three rivals is that they have reached the papal throne otherwise than by the nomination of the German king. It is only with his own nomination, four days later, of a German bishop as pope that Henry III begins to interest himself in reform. Note also that, so long as Henry III lives, it is he who nominates the popes, and that they are, all of them, German bishops -- four in all. The emperor had done nothing about the scandals of Benedict IX in the six years 1039-1045.

168cf. GAY 135 and AMANN in F. &. M. VII 99, Writers of a later date attributed this attitude of the pope to a chance meeting with Hildebrand, either at Worms or Besancon. It seems more likely that Bruno was already imbued with the new independent spirit which characterised the country from which he came -- a spirit already evident in the acts of the Bishop of Liege, Wazo, who had rebuked the emperor Henry III for his "deposition " of Gregory VI in 1046, and in the writings of Humbert of Moyenmoutier (among others). (cf. CAUCHIE, A. La querelle des investitures dans le diocese de Liege.

169Perhaps twenty-nine or thirty-four years of age

170Legates in the affair of Cerularius. cf. infra 244-8

171This was Beatrice, mother of the more famous Countess Matilda

172A boy of six, Henry IV, who was to reign for fifty years

173" Dans des circonstances assez mal definies," FLICHE, La Reforme Gregorienne I, 310, from whom this summary is taken. Gerard was a Burgundian and a disciple of the Cardinal Humbert, the most radical of 311 the reformers and the chief influence. in this pontificate.

174FLICHE La Reforme Gregorienne 1, 336, notes that this sixth canon of the council of 1059 is the first, absolute prohibition of lay investiture,

175"Revolution juridique " says Fliche (F. & M. VIII 17) whose origins are in the fact of Stephen IX's election and ii the theories put out in the treatise of Cardinal Humbert, Adversus Simoniacos during Stephen's reign.

176"C'etait essentiellement un homme du juste milieu" id. in F. &. M. VIII 23

177FLICHE, La Reforme Gregorienne I, 342-4, and F. & M. VIII, 21 attributes the intervention of the Normans to Didier of Monte Cassino, and rightly

178For an interesting view of the weak spots in the saint's qualifications as defender of the papacy at Augsburg cf. FLICHE op. cit. 25 and compare this with the portrait of St. Peter as an intellectual " conservative " of a most intransigent type in GILSON La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 236-8, 255-7.

179The anti-pope had made the same request, had also been refused -- and had thereupon refused to appear.

180Born at Soano, in Tuscany, between 1015 and 1020.

181A legend -- so FLICHE in F. &. M. VIII, 57, note 5.

182cf. ib. 14.

183Stephen IX (1057-1058) Frederick of Lorraine -- had been Archdeacon of Liege in the time of this bishop, Waso.

184" This theory does not confer on the Holy See any temporal sovereignly, hut it has for its sole aim the securing of the triumph of the morality of the Gospel which should be the rule for states as well as for individuals; it is only another form of the Church's fight against evil, and especially against the sin of those in high places, the pride that begets tyranny", FLICHE in F. & M. VIII, 118. The letter of Gelasius I is the famous decretal Duo quippe sunt whose opening sentences are " There arc two sovereign powers, most august emperor, by which this world is ruled, the sacred power of the bishops and the royal power. Of these. that of the bishops is all the weightier in so far as the bishops will have to give an account, at the divine judgment, of the kings themselves. . .

185For a brief critical, documented account of the political ideals of Gregory VII cf. FLICHE, La theorie gregorienne de l'etat in F. & M. VIII, 110-18.

186This seems the appropriate place to repeat the very serious warning of a historian of unusual competence in the matter -- Mr. Geoffrey Barraclough -- that the " biggest gaps of all " in the equipment of the English student of medieval history are in the history of Germany (cf. e.g. the remark " There is no constitutional history of Germany in the English language" op. cit. p. vii. and to warn the reader that, without a much fuller account, than such a work as this could offer, of the importance to Germany of the reigns of these emperors who were protagonists in the Investiture struggle, it is not possible to understand how the issues were vital to these princes. cf. Medieval Germany 911- 1250, Essays by German Historians, translated with an Introduction by GEOFFREY BARRACLOUGH, 2 vols., Oxford, 1938. Vol., I is the author's Introduction and pp, 1-27 deal with The Background of German History: Empire and Papacy.

187" Through an examination of the actualities of the situation, it becomes evident on the one hand, that Gregory VII did not lightly seek a pretext for a struggle was not urged on solely by specious hierarchical ambitions, but acted because the continued existence of the Church was threatened by Germanic conceptions and Germanic forces -- he acted, in other words, in self defence." The Proprietary Church as all Element of Medieval Germanic Ecclesiastical Law by Ulrich Stutz in BARRACLOUGH op. cit. Vol. II, p. 65. cf. also FLICHE in F. & M. VIII, 119 ". . . the policy of Gregory VII." arises out of the same tendencies always, and has the same objects in view. The pope does not pursue any dream of political lordship. . ., In the old christian kingdoms of the West he asks the co-operation of the ruling princes to bring about the observance of the rule of Canon Law, to restore the moral level of clergy and laity, to punish simoniac bishops and dissolute clerks."

188FLICHE in F. & M. VIII, 78.

189For a discussion of the Dictatus Papae cf. FLICHE in F, &. M. VIII, 79-83.

190FLICHE (F. & M. VIII, 135-6) quoting letters of Henry contemporaneous with the assembly at Worms, notes how what Henry is claiming is to be the absolute master of all his people -- and this by divine appointment, and to be the pope's master also. Two " absolutisms " are in conflict: the royal claim that to none but God is the king answerable for his conduct as king and the papal claim that kings, no less than other Christians, are subject to the Church and the pope in matters of conduct from the point of view of morality. It is now, in 1076, that these two theses are, for the first time, consciously ranged one against the other (ibid. 139).

191On the much discussed "significance" of the events at Canossa cf: FLICHE in F. & M. VIII. 142-4. " Had Gregory VII remained firm, he would have left the reputation of a powerful statesman, a tenacious diplomatist; in forgiving the king he proved himself a great pope and a true Christian. Canossa is the apotheosis of this pope, because he there appears stripped of every earthly ideal and clad in the vesture of holines; because carried away by the fervour of a love that was more than human, he secures the victory over human justice of a mercy that is divine. . . . In this decisive moment Gregory VII is the living embodiment of that mercy. . . . Nor did he ever, more than at this solemn moment, so exalt that spiritual authority which he wielded in the name of Christ and St. Peter. At Canossa, as at Rome in the February of 1076, the pope shows himself a stranger to political considerations, and he is obedient only to what his duty to the laws of the Church demands; at Rome he binds: at Canossa he looses the sinner who multiplies the gestures symbolical of repentance. Henry IV, in this dramatic moment, recognised that power of binding and loosing which inspired every act of Gregory VII's government and policy. In the eyes of the pope this was much. The caesaro-papism of the emperor had bowed before the supremacy of the Roman see -- such, for Gregory VII was the innermost significance of the events at Canossa; and thus understood, Canossa is no longer a defeat. . ."

192Not until 1606 was he canonised (by Paul V). When Benedict XIII (1724-173 () ) extended his feast to the universal Church protests came in from many Catholic princes. So late as 1848 his feast was forbidden in Austria.

193Elected May 24. 1086, election accepted March 21, 1087, consecrated May 9, 1087

194Urban II was beatified by Leo XIII, July 14. 1881

195For the import of this, cf. FLICHE " For the first time the papacy had agreed o modify the Gregorian decrees, hitherto held to be intangible " 1. & M., VIII, 351

196cf. the phrase by which the recent historians, Emile Amann, and Augustin Dumas, have described the whole wretched period 888-1057 " L'Eglise au pouvoir des Laiques " -- it is the title of Vol. VII of F. &. M. (see Bibliographical Notes infra).

197In France it was, once more, the clear-headed St. Ives of Chartres who did most to save the situation for the papacy and to avert the schism which threatened. Refusing the invitation to join with the archbishops of Lyons and Vienne he declared that the pope did not merit the condemnations they heaped upon him, for what Pascal II had done he had done against his own real mind and simply as a man coerced by fear. When the pope was, once more, a free man he would again, no doubt make a stand for the reform. Investitures, St. Ives insisted, were not a matte; of faith -- to continue the forbidden practice, to suspend the decrees that forbade it, cannot, therefore he heresy; cf. FLICHE in F. & M. VIII, 367, who also notes how the saint "with great delicacy set himself to enlighten the timorous conscience of the pope, to strengthen anew this wavering and fearful personality", (ib., 370)

198Which " consecrated as a fact the canonical theories of Ives of Chartres." FLICHE, op. cit., 389.

199One most important feature of this great struggle is the polemical literature which it bred and which, in turn, influenced the policy of both sides. For a real war of pamphlets, and a campaign of what we now call propaganda, soon developed. In this literature there is an abundance of slander, personal abuse, and wild writing but there is also an exposition of theory, an argumentation based on history and on Sacred Scripture. It is the first time that, in a political controversy an appeal has thus been made to the general intelligence of the time, an attempt to enlist public opinion as an arm -- really, to win over the possible neutrals among the powers of the time by demonstration of the rights and wrongs of the case. This controversy, that went on for two generations, is, of course, an evidence of the rebirth of the spirit in Western Christendom; and to the development of that re-born spirit it contributed very powerfully. But also it set a pattern for future times. Here is a first appearance of that combination of state action and official propaganda that will be repeated in the thirteenth- century by Frederick 11 and by Philip the Fair: then by the rulers of France against Peter de Luna in the opening years of the fifteenth century, and by our own Henry VIII 100 years later still.

As to the importance of these writings, none knows it better than the great authority, whose skilful, critical use of them has re- fashioned the whole history of St. Gregory VII, Professor Fliche, who writes: " If we leave [this literature] out of account, as for too long it had been left out of account, we run the risk of not understanding the true character of the struggle between the Sacerdotium and the Empire -- a struggle of ideas much more than a conflict of policies, in which, on one side as on the other the personages engaged were. in a certain way, the captives of the conflicting theories "; and who even goes so far as to say that " If the Roman Church was able to overcome the painful crisis, whose culminating point was the death in exile of Gregory VII, the church owed this to the arguments piled up in its favour by such men as Gebhard of Salzburg, Manegold of Lauterbach, Anselm of Lucca and Deusdedit ". F. & M., VIII, 198.

200A see in Byzantine Italy: John was a Latin, and so in no way subject to Cerularius, but, like Cerularius, he was a subject of the emperor at Constantinople.

201"Mesquineries liturgiques ou des questions alimentaires." AMANN, op. cit. 141.

202Amann hazards the opinion that St. Leo, " dont la bonte etait proverbiale "

found its criticism of Michael's predecessors too strong, and so held up " la vehe-

mente philippique du cardinal ": op. cit., 143. Text in Denzinger, 351-3

203The future pope Stephen IX (1057-8).

204Amalfi was a republic subordinated, in some way, to the Byzantine emperor

205Adversos Graecorum calumnias: cf. AMANN, op. cit., 142 note 1, and 145.

206This is the first mention, in this particular crisis, of the Filioque. It comes from

the Latins and it is of course, a most egregious blunder in a matter of simple fact.

The style of the bull is, indeed, deplorable, and it played into the hands not only of

Cerularius, but of every Greek controversialist since. " C'est, helas!, d'apers ce

document si depourvu de serenite que les eglises orientales jugeront desormais des reclamations de Rome": so AMANN, op. cit., 146

207"Here is an example of their feelings on this subject: they say to Liutprand Archbishop of Cremona, who went on an embassy to Constantinople in 968: ' But the mad and silly pope does not know that St. Constantine transferred the Imperial sceptre all the Senate and the whole Roman army hither, and that at Rome he left only vile creatures such as fishermen, pastrycooks, bird-catchers, bastards, plebeians and slaves'. " FORTESCUE The Orthodox Eastern Church, p. 93, n. 3, quoting from the edition of Liutprand in the Monumenta Germaniae Historica III, p. 358.

208One special feature of the relation between the popes of the eleventh century and these Mohammedan wars which they organised, was their contention that the lands recaptured were recaptured to the profit of St. Peter -- to be held, for the future, by those who ruled them as vassals of the Holy See. And Gregory VII especially, as he planned to strengthen and to extend the Christian hold on Spain by giving it the support that must come from identifying these lands with the papacy itself, planned also to create a strong link between Spain and Italy through a new political re-organisation of the South of France

209Bulls addressed to the Counts of Burgundy, St. Gilles and Savoy, Feb. 2 and March 1, 1074. In the Register of Gregory VII, 1, 46, 49.

210Relations between the rank and file, Greek and Latin, in the forty years since 1054, do not seem to have been at all worsened by the events of which Cerularius was the centre. The Latin churches in Constantinople continued to receive protection and patronage from the various emperors; the Latin pilgrims to the East, clergy and laymen, were well received, as were the Greeks who continued to make their pilgrimages to the shrines at Rome, the Latin monasteries in Byzantine territory were on friendly and brotherly terms with the Greek monks their neighbours as were the Latin monks of Sicily and southern Italy with the Greeks established among them. " Where there was no question of national or political rivalry prejudice disappeared; Latin rite or Greek rite, all fused in a unity that was perfect. " B. LEIB, Rome, Kiev et Byzance a la fin du XIe siecle -- Rapports religieux des Latins et des Greco-Russes sous le pontificat d'Urbain II, 1088-1099. Paris 1924.

211One of these preachers was that Peter the Hermit whom legend transformed into the moving spirit of the whole affair.

212The three chief monarchs of Christendom, the Emperor Henry IV, Philip of France, and William II of England, were all of them excommunicated, and therefore not competent to take part in the crusade

213And which met annually for nearly three hundred years, 1119- 1411!

214September 14

215He died in 1134, fifteen years after the foundation at Premontre

216" Ye shall be as gods " -- Genesis iii, 5.

217For St. Anselm as a thinker cf. GILSON La Philosophie au Moyen Age, pp. 240-251.

218Which controversy, however, was not the whole of medieval philosophy; on the origin of this extraordinary legend cf.: GILSON, op. cit., 141

219" The historical importance of Abelard's work in logic is great indeed. It presented, in fact, the example of a problem exclusively philosophical that was debated exhaustively and solved for its own interest, without any reference to theology. Abelard was not the first to attack problems of this kind. . . but his position was that of a master who dominates the controversy, and guides it to its conclusion. . . . No philosophical work comparable to that of Abelard had appeared since Boethius. If we consider the originality of Abelard's Nominalism we shall perhaps, not be slow to assent to the paradox that it is in the twelfth century A. D, that there appears the first work in the Latin tongue which sets out philosophical ideas that are new. . . . [In another way too] Abelard's influence was immense. . . . He, as it were, imposed an intellectual standard below which no man, for the future, would consent again to descend. " GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age (1944 edition), pp. 288, 292; for Pierre Abelard et ses adversaires cf. pp. 278-296 of this work

220i.e. Canons I & 2 are taken from the Council of Toulouse, 1119; 4 & 5 from the False Decretals; 11 from the Council of Clermont, 1095.

221"I know the place where you now dwell: unbelievers and enemies of good order are about you. They are wolves, not sheep. Of such as these you are none the less the Shepherd. Before you lies the practical problem how to convert them if this be possible, before they have perverted you. . . . If I spare you not here and now it is that you may one day be spared by God. To this race you must show yourself a shepherd or deny your pastoral office. Deny it you will not, lest he whose seat you hold deny you to be his heir. Peter, that is to say, who had not learnt, in those far off times, to show himself decked out in silks and jewellery. No golden canopy shaded his head, nor felt he ever the white horse [The mount which etiquette prescribed for the pope on ceremonial occasions] between his knees. There was no soldiery to support him, nor did he go about hedged round by a crowd of noisy servitors. Without any of these trappings he none the less thought it possible to fulfil the commandment of Our Lord: ' If thou lovest me, feed my sheep.' In all this pomp you show yourself a successor indeed: but to Constantine not Peter." (De Consideratione, Lib. IV, c. iii. MIGNE P. L., 182, col. 1776.)

222Gilbert, three years Abelard's senior, was born in 1076

223The Liber Sex Principiorum, which supplements and continues the Categories of Aristotle. It had a great name and, with Aristotle and Boethius, was quoted as an authority down to the sixteenth century.

224" Gilbert's influence will last, and it will go very deep -- much further, it may well be, than our actual knowledge of history will authorise us to say. . . Gilbert of la Porree is, with Abelard, the most powerful speculative mind the twelfth century knew; and if Abelard is his superior in the world of logic Gilbert far surpasses Abelard as a metaphysician". GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 262; for Gilbert de la Porree cf. pp. 262-8 of this work.

225The four propositions were (I) There is a real difference between God and the divine essence. (2) There is a real difference between the divine essence and the divine Persons. (3) The Persons alone are eternal and not their relations. (4) It is not the divine essence that is incarnate in Our Lord but only the Person of the Word

226Better, "of Opinions" or "Or Judgements"

227For the discussion as to where exactly Hugh was born -- Hainault or Saxony-and the circumstances which brought him to Paris, cf. VERNET in D.T.C. vii.

228All are to be round in MIGNE, P.L., Vol. 176. For discussion as to the authorship of the Summa Sententian (m, cf. VERNET in D.T.C. ibid.

229" Nothing shows better the scale Or the victory gained by philosophical speculation than the intimate union and harmony of mysticism and reasoning as we find these in the works of the Victorine writers. It is evident, by the end of the twelfth century, that the partisans [of the principle] of philosophy at the service of faith have won their fight against the theologians of the straiter sort and those who cling to the simple method of authority". GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 307-8, the concluding words of the section La Mystique speculative, pp. 297- 308.

230"Quod Christus secundum quod est homo, non est aliquid". JAFFE, Regesta Pontificum Romanorum 2nd ed., no. 11806 DENZINGER no. 393.

231"Christum sicut perfectum Deum, sic et perfectum hominem ac verum hominem ex eanima et corpore consistentem" ib.

232cf. FLICHE, in F. & M. VIII, 178-88. for an admirable resume of the work of Anselm.

233FLICHE analyses and describes this evolution of the Canon Law as an integrating part of Urban II's accomplishment of liberating and reforming religious life in F. & M. VIII, 247-68. The works studied here are the Liber de Vita Christiana of Bonizo of Sutri, the Libellus contra Invasores et Simoniacos of Cardinal Deusdedit. the De Reordinatione Vitanda of Bernold of Constance, and the three books of Ives of Chartres viz., the Tripartita Decretum and Panormia.

234M.G.H. Scriptores XII. De Electione Lotharii p. 511.

235AMANN in D.T.C. VII col. 1956, who also remarks with reference to this decision, that St. Bernard " n'a jamais eu le fetichisme de la legalite. .

236Twenty-three out of the thirty.

237But cf. DUFOURCQ VI, 272; Mensonge masquant une reculade

238 [Frederick Barbarossa was] " bent on reviving. . . all that the law of ancient Rome gave her absolute ruler. . . [This century] now beheld the study cultivated with a surprising increase of knowledge and ardour, expended chiefly upon the Pandects [which were] expounded, commented on, extolled as the perfection of human wisdom, the sole, true and eternal law. . .

" Men just emerging from barbarism, with minds unaccustomed to create and blindly submissive to authority, viewed written texts with an awe to us incomprehensible. All that the most servile jurists of Rome had ever ascribed to their despotic princes was directly transferred to the Caesarean majesty who inherited their name. . . . To Frederick at Roncaglia, the archbishop of Milan speaks for the assembled magnates of Lombardy, ' Do and ordain whatsoever thou wilt, thy will is law; as it is written Quicquid principi placuit legis habet vigorem, cum populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem concesserit'." cf. BRYCE, The Holy Roman Empire, 165-166.

239The duchy of Spoleto, Sardinia and Corsica

240Third Lateran, Tenth General

241Canons 3, 8, 17

242Canon 6.

243Canon 21 contains a like virile exhortation to the bishops not to be too cowardly to enforce, in the case of offenders of importance and rank, the sanctions enacted against those who broke the Truce of God.

244One pope only had reigned so long since the days of St. Leo the Great (440-461): this was Adrian 1 (772-795). Nor was another pope to reign for so long as twenty years until Urban VIII in the seventeenth century.

245cf. infra, p. 408.

246cf. infra, p. 320

247The kingdom included, besides the island of Sicily, all Italy to the south Or the papal States

248Frederick Barbarossa had died en route for the Holy Land, drowned indeed while crossing the river Salef in Asia Minor, June 10, 1190.

249A. E. TAYLOR, 'St. Thomas Aquinas as a Philosopher' in Aquinas Sexcentenary Lectures, Oxford, 1924.

250For Al Farabi, who died in 950, cf. GILSON, op. cit., 347-349

251To Avicenna, says Gilson, we must allow the credit " of having realised a happy fusion of Aristotelianism and Neoplatonism a l'usage de la pensee arabe, while safeguarding the principle of their accord with religion ". La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 356; for Avicenna cf especially pp. 350-356 of this work.

252"The framework of the [Fons Vitae] is decidedly Neoplatonic, but the doctrine itself is deeply penetrated by a spirit that is Jewish, and it was through this that in later years, it won to itself so many Catholic thinkers. . . . [In this teaching about the world and its origin Avicebron] describes a world intelligible to the philosopher that depends upon a supreme Will analogous to the God of Holy Scripture in a word a Neoplatonic universe existing by the will of God " GILSON La Phiiosophie au Moyen Age, 360, 371.

"Avicebron" has another title to fame as a principal source of the later popularity of the philosophical doctrine of the plurality of forms.

253Averroes (Ibn Rochd) died in 1198.

254"The thought of Averroes offers itself as a deliberate effort to restore, in all its purity, the teaching of Aristotle corrupted by the Platonism which Averroes' predecessors had introduced into it". GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age 360.

". . . There still remains a certain amount of Neoplatonism even in Averroes; and the Commentator, whether he realised this or not, produced a work more original than he himself has declared to us". ibid., 361.

For an outline of the teaching of Averroes and of its implications, cf. pp. 358-368 of Gilson, op. cit.

255J. B. REEVES, O.P., The Dominicans, p. 30.

256"The point where the men of this twelfth century differ from us most of all is in their almost total ignorance of what the knowledge of nature -- the natural sciences could be. There are many to sing the praises of Nature, but few who ever think of observing it. -- The reality proper to the different things and creatures disappears once the writers of this time begin the task of explaining them. TO know and to explain a thing always means showing that the thing is not really what it seems to be, that it is the symbol and the sign of a still deeper reality, that the thing 'declares' or 'signifies' some other thing." Whatever the fruitfulness of all this. for the poet and the artist, it is a barrier to the philosopher and in science. . weakness. . . What the twelfth century lacked. . . was the conception; of natures as having a structure in themselves. an intelligibility for their own sake however feeble this might be." The next century will have such a conception, "and it is to Aristotelian physics that the thirteenth century will owe this". GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age 343 in which work cf. L'Univers au XIIe siecle, pp. 318-28, and Le Bilan du XIIe siecle, pp. 337-43.

257"Would this Catholic Scholasticism, [facing the riches now revealed] have sufficient vitality to assimilate what they offered, or was it, on the contrary, crushed beneath their weight, swamped in their mass, about to surrender to absorption by them?. . . The historical importance [of this conflict] is such that, even today its repercussions have not ceased to make themselves felt." ibid. 375.

258Alexander IV in 1255, for example, writing that " The learning of the schools of Paris is for Holy Church what the tree of life was in the earthly paradise it is a shining light in the house of the Lord. . . It is at Paris, that the human race, deformed by blind ignorance, recovers its sight and beauty. . ."

259" From the point of view of Innocent III or Gregory IX, the University of Paris could not but be the most powerful engine the Church disposed of for the spread of religious truth throughout the world -- or an inexhaustible source of error whence the whole of Christendom could be poisoned." GILSON, op. cit., p. 394.

260GILSON, St. Thomas Aquinas, the Hertz Lecture for 1935. (Proceedings of the British Academy, Vol. XXI -- Humphrey Milford.)

261From the accident that Albi in southern France was one of the strongholds of the movement, its twelfth- and thirteenth-century adherents are commonly called Albigenses.

262Elected January 8, 1198.

263July 16, 1216.

264Matt. x, 6, 9-10

265Boniface VIII (1294-1303) in the bull Unam Sanctam

266i.e. in the four tributary kingdoms, Sicily, Portugal, Aragon, and England.

267cf. GASQUET, Henry III and the Church (1905)

268cf. supra, p. 318.

269For the text cf. MlGNE. Patrologia Latina. t. ccxvi, col. 1025 et seq.

270Nicea I, 325: Constantinople I, 381; Ephesus, 431; Chalcedon, 451; Constantinople II, 553, Constantinople III, 680; Nicea II, 787, Constantinople IV, 869

271Lateran 1, 1123; Lateran II, 1139; Lateran III, 1179; Lateran IV, 1215; Lyons I, 1245; Lyons 11, 1274.

The Council of Vienne (1311-12) is by its origin and purpose in a class apart; and the next group of four (Constance, 1414-1417: Basle, 1431-1437, Florence, 1438-1493; Lateran V, 1512-1517) also have a unity of their own

272For the text of which cf. SCHROEDER, H. 1., Disciplinary Decrees of the General Councils (1937), 560-84, and a translation of them (which needs to be compared with the Latin), 237-96.

273The first time the mystery is officially described by a use of this term -- transsubstantiatis pane in corpus, et vino in sanguinem.

274canon 14.

275canon 17

276Canon 23.

277Canon 24

278Canon 25

279Canon 26

280This will be discussed in the section that deals with the formation of the Inquisition. cf. infra, pp. 408-9.

281EMILE BERGER, Les Registres d'Innocent IV, t. ii, p. ccxc.

282cf. MAITLAND, for whom Innocent IV is " the greatest lawyer that ever sat upon the chair of St. Peter". Moral Personality and Legal Personality in Selected Essays (1936), 228.

283This is the teaching of the tract Aeger cui lenia, which if not Innocent IV's own composition is derived from a canonist in his entourage and reflects the thought of his pontificate. cf: AMANN, Innocent IV, in D.T.C. X, col. 1993.

284Taxation, that is to say, of Church property and of Clerical incomes.

285Ep. 116 quoted by MANN, Vol. XV, P. 242

286Son of Raymond VI who had died in 1222.

287Quoted by GUIRAUD, The Medieval Inquisition, p. 60.

288Canon 3 of the Lateran Council of 1215

289Vid. sup., pp. 375-6.

290An obvious concession? But English Law denied it to those accused of a felony until the nineteenth century.

291Bull, Ad Extirpanda col. 25, of May 15, 1252, cf. J. GUIRAUD, The Medieval Inquisition p. 86, and MANSI, Sacrorum Conciliorum. . . Collectio 1759-98. T. xxiii 569 for the text. cf. also W. ULLMANN, Reflections on Medieval Torture in The Juridical Review 1944 pp. 123-138.

292Nowhere in the corpus of canon Law is there indeed any papal legislation expressly ordaining death as a penalty for heresy. But by the time of Innocent IV s bull, Ad Extirpanda (May 15, 1252) commanding the civil authority to apply the penalties within five days of the heretic being made over to them, death was the penalty in civil law. GUIRAUD, Op. Cit. 103.

293Animadversio debita

294Register of Gregory IX no. 535 in edition of L. Auvray

295GUIRAUD, The Medievai Inquisition p. 108 supplies some interesting figures from the career of Bernard Gui (1261-1331), a Friar Preacher and, later, Bishop of Le Puy. In the sixteen years he served as Inquisitor (1307-1323) he pronounced ill all 930 sentences. Of these 139 were acquittals, 791 condemnations, and of these 42 were sentences of death.

296GUIRAUD, The Medievai Inquisition p. 108 supplies some interesting figures from the career of Bernard Gui (1261-1331), a Friar Preacher and, later, Bishop of Le Puy. In the sixteen years he served as Inquisitor (1307-1323) he pronounced ill all 930 sentences. Of these 139 were acquittals, 791 condemnations, and of these 42 were sentences of death.

297The classic work on Siger is still MANDONNET'S Siger de Brabant et l'averroisme latin au XIII siecle, Louvain, 1908, 1911 -- but very much more has come to light since then: cf. GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 561-568, for Siger himself, and the whole section (pp. 550-570) entitled Du Peripatetisme a l'Averroisme. There is an immortal reminder of the great figure which Siger was to his own age in the Paradiso of Dante, where the Averroist is placed next to St. Thomas on the left, as St. Albert is next to him on the right; Canto x. 97-99, 133-138 for which see GILSON, E., Dante et la Philosophie. Paris, 1939, ch. IV, esp. pp. 225, 255, 256-279; also ibid., 308-315, Sur l'Averroisme de Siger, and 315-325, Sur le Thomisme de Siger

298For the problem how Siger reconciled his philosophy and his faith cf. GILSON, op. cit., 561-3, and for a discussion whether Averroes taught the theory of two truths-the religious and the philosophical -- simultaneously contradictory cf. ibid., 358-360.

299One unexpected -- and highly important -- sequel to Aristotle's victories in the faculty of Arts at Paris must be mentioned here, although its full effect only fell later. This was what Gilson calls L'Exil des Belles Lettres (op. cit., 400-112). The passion for the new learning -- the natural sciences and philosophy -- gradually drove letters out of the programme of studies, much as, in our time, the same thing has begun to happen once again. In place of such a cultus of the old classical writers as had marked, say, Chartres in the time of John of Salisbury, a new literary culture now developed whose aim was not " liberal ", but " practical," i.e. so much Latin as was necessary to understand the new translations of the Greek and Arab writers Grammar for its own sake was no longer generally studied. Even with those who continued to make the study a main purpose of life, Grammar gradually ceased to be a study of languages as they are: it became a kind of logic, the study of languages as they ought to be, languages as related to common, original principles of language (i.e. the peculiar idiomatic genius of the language was something less important and therefore to be less regarded). Even before the full " revelation " of Aristotle, logic was already edging the study of the classics out of the schools. Once the great Aristotelian day dawned the process was rapidly speeded up. Students began their logic at an ever earlier age -- and so the time given to the preparatory studies of Latin grew shorter and shorter. The decline in all this was, of course, gradual -- but decline it was, and indeed decadence- for ultimately the philosophers (like the scientists of today) could only talk to one another in a jargon of their own invention, in technical barbarisms that cut them off from all but their own kind and which served as the greatest of all obstacles to the claims of philosophy to a hearing once the study of Latin letters revived in the fifteenth century.

300For a master's summary of the thought of St. Bonaventure cf GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, pp. 439-451.

301CRISTOFORO KRZANIC, La scuola francescana et l'averroismo in Rivista di filosofia neo-scolastica, 1929, pp. 489-90, quoted in GORCE, O.P., L'Essor, p. 280.

302cf. footnotes, pp. 325-6 supra.

303For St. Albert cf. GILSON, op. cit. pp. 503-19

304Up to the date of his De unitate intellectus contra Averroem, 1256.

305St. Thomas' father and the emperor Henry VI, were first cousins, the saint's paternal grandmother being a sister of Frederick Barbarossa. The saint was, thus, himself, second cousin to Frederick 11 and a near kinsman to Manfred and Conradin.

306Is it still necessary to point out that St. Thomas' affection for Aristotle, too is independent and critical? Audiamus Gilson, " Whatever their admiration for the Greek philosopher, Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas never regarded the simple assimilation of all he had taught as the goal of their endeavour. We can, on the contrary, assert that their Catholic faith had delivered them in advance from all servitude to the letter of Aristotle. These theologians had seen, from the first go-off, that if the Peripatetic philosophy contained truths, it was not, for all that truth itself, whence that vigorous correction of positions that were false which was to engender Thomism", op. cit. 557. The error, that still obtains, too largely in the comparatively isolated world of our historical scholarship, is linked with another, which we may allow Gilson to characterise " The picture of a ' Middle Ages ' -- its length in years vague and undetermined -- that is filled with a ' Scholasticism' whose characteristic figures keep on repeating for centuries what is, in substance, the one same thing, is a historical fantasy that all should mistrust," ib. 590 cf: also the note on p. 433 infra.

307GORCE, O.P., op. cit., p. 251

308The Summa is thus divided -- there are three parts, Pars Prima, Pars Secunda Pars Tertia, of which the second is divided into the Prima-Secundae and the Secunda-Secundae. The parts are usually indicated, in references, by Roman numerals, e.g. I, I-II, II-II, III. Finally there is the Supplement, the work, not of St. Thomas himself (who died before the whole was finished), but of some later writer, based on St. Thomas' teaching in the Commentary on the Sentences and the Contra Gentiles. Each part is divided into questions and each question into articles. The article first of all gives the subject of the discussion then, in one or more objections, the case against the thesis. Next there is an argument for the thesis and after this the body of the article, in which the saint explains and proves his case. Finally, with reference to the body of the article, he answers the objections with which the article opened. The method of discussion is, in principle, Abelard's, but developed here to perfection.

309I-II Qq. 6-21.

310The distinctio of the Commentary is the equivalent of the quaestio in the Summa.

311Greco-Saracen is, of course, not literally correct as n description. Avicebron, for example. was neither Greek nor Saracen, but Jewish.

312For this cf. GORCE, O.P., L'Essor de la Pensee au Moyen Age, pp. 164-66.

313For all this cf. GORCEE, O.P., op. cit., pp. 275-81 and his references.

314St. Thomas, on March 7th, a simple friar only, the Franciscan, on June 14, Cardinal Bishop of Albamo, and the leading spirit of the General Council then in progress at Lyons

315And who as a master in the schools, had taught a theory of knowledge which was a remarkable syncretism of the Augustinian theory of illumination and the Avicennian theory of emanation and of Intelligences": M. GRABMAN. cited in GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 556

316GORCE, op. cit., pp. 167-72, gives a useful summary

317Some last quotations from a work that must long remain indispensable to any vital understanding of these times, so far away and yet so close to us: -- i. " The thirteenth century was privileged to inherit, directly or not, all that was best in Greek philosophy; it had the merit to exploit that inheritance to the full. It is the golden age of metaphysics properly so called." GILSON, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, 580.

ii. " While there is none of the great doctrines of this thirteenth century that has not borne fruit, none which (in its own order and rank) does not still, even today provide matter for thought, no one of them all possesses that quality of everlasting youthfulness and that same power of renewal which distinguish the principles of the teaching of St. Thomas -- qualities which this teaching owes to the singular depth at which it makes contact with reality, and to the truly ultimate plane on which it situates the problems it considers. The permanent newness of Thomism is the newness belonging to that existence in the concrete to which Thomism clings. Scribantur haec in generatione altera: this solitary figure did not write for his own century, but he had time on his side -- ce solitaire n'a pas ecrit pour son siecle, mais il avait le temps pour lui" (ibid. 590).

As for the great omnibus condemnation of 1277, " Works composed after [that event] almost always bear the mark of it. For a great number of the theologians of the end of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries, this event seems to have had all the effect of a crucial experiment: i.e. . there had been a willingness to trust to philosophy; philosophy meant Aristotle; and now, at last, it was clear where Aristotle and philosophy led a man. . . . After 1277 the whole air of medieval thought is changed. After a short honeymoon, theology and philosophy are thinking that they understand their marriage has been a mistake. While they await the coming divorce -- it will not be very long delayed -- they begin to redivide their property each reclaims possession of its own problems and forbids the other to lay a finger on them " (ibid. 605), "The influence of St. Thomas, especially in certain quarters, is undeniable, but it was not so general an influence as the place which he occupies today in the history of philosophy might invite us to believe. Certainly he was a great figure in the eyes Or the generations that immediately followed his own. The Dominican order adopted his teaching and am important school busied itself in defending it explaining it, making it better known. But those who represented other tendencies criticised it freely whenever the occasion presented itself. . . . The more one works through the writers who followed immediately after St. Thomas the more does one notice how their thought does not chiefly declare itself as in contrast to his. Rather, one would often say, they hesitate to follow him to the end in the new ways he has opened up because they are held back by Augustinian scruples from which they have not been able entirely to free themselves" (ibid. 621). And again ". . . if the fourteenth century produced thinkers loyal to Thomism, no one appeared who was truly a continuator of the master's work. What was newest and most profound in the saint's thought barely achieved more than to survive, held, so to speak, in the mass of his work and lasting along with this without any continuance of its creative activity " (ibid. 718).

318 Battles of Benevento (1266) and Tagliacozzo (1268). 2 All but two months -- November 1268 to September 1271.

319 All but two months -- November 1268 to September 1271

320 cf. DIGARD I, p. 3

321 Ibid I, xxix

322 ib. I, p. 21: " La lente collaboration des interets et de l'opinion publique." From the time of the death of St. Louis the lenteur which has been so largely the secret of the success achieved is to give place, for generations, to something else.

323 Philip II (Augustus), 1180-1223 [Louis VIII, 1223-1226.] St. Louis IX. 1226-1270

324 FRANTZ FUNCK-BRENTANO, Le Moyen Age (3rd edit. 1923), pp. 338- 9.

325 DIGARD I, pp. xxix-xxx

326 Two years and ten months

327 Appointment dated November 5, 1272, in POTTHAST II, p. 1662

328 Filioque in the Latin text. The word Filioque was first added in Spain (589) then in France, then in Germany; it was added at Rome by Benedict VIII (1012-1024) at the request of the Emperor St. Henry II: cf. ADRIAN FORTESCUE, The Orthodox Eastern Church, pp. 372-84 for a useful explanation of the theological question.

329 The chartophylax was, at this time, one of the chief officers of the patriarch's curia. He was the keeper of the archives, and also the chancellor through whom all the official correspondence of the patriarch was done. It was also his office to examine all candidates for high ecclesiastical positions, and he was the judge in a court where all cases involving clerics were tried (civil and criminal cases) and which also decided matrimonial suits. cf. the admirable article Beccos (John XI) by L. BREHIER in D.H. & G.E., VII (1934), p. 355. Beccos had been for many years in the confidence of Michael VIII. He had been his ambassador to Serbia in 1268, and to St. Louis IX in 1270.

330 Canon 1; text in DENZINGER (no. 460).

331 The legislation of the council is here described according to its subject matter. The chronological order (i.e. the work accomplished in the six public sessions) so far as this is known, is as follows: Sess. I (May 7) pope's opening addresses. 2 (May 18) constitution on the Filioque, and tithe for six years voted in ail of the churches endangered by the Saracens; Sess. 3 (June 7) canons 3, 4, 5, 6, 7,8,9,15,19,24,29,30; June 24, the Greeks arrive; July 4, the Tartar ambassadors arrive, Sess. 4 (July 6) the Reunion of the Greeks with the Roman See: July 15, death of St. Bonaventure; Sess. 5 (July 16) canons 2, 10, 11, 12, 16, 17, 20, 21, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 31; Sess. 6 (July 17) canon 23, and pope's concluding sermon. The legislation of the council was gathered together and promulgated as law by the pope, Nov. 1, 1274.

332 Quod praelati faciebant ruere totum mundum. MANSI XXIV col. 68.

333 Canon 2. Ubi periculum

334 In eodem autem palatio unum conclave. . . omnes habitent in communi

335 Canon 3

336 Canon 4

337 Canon 5

338 Canon 6

339 Canon 7

340 Canon 9

341 Canon 8

342 Canon 10.

343 Canon 11

344 Apud curiam Romanam

345 Canon 21

346 Boniface VIII abolished this modification in 1296

347 Third Council of Lateran, Canon 3 (1179).

348 Canon 13

349 Benefices were said to be held in commendam when granted to a titular who already held a benefice of such a kind that it was not possible to execute the duties attached to each. The commendatory, as the one dispensed to hold in commendam was styled, received all the revenues, and enjoyed all the rights but was bound to provide a deputy to do the work, and to ray him the stipend fixed by ecclesiastical authority. The system developed into one of the worst abuses that have ever tormented religion. Even Trent could do no more than beg the popes, where this was at all possible. not to give abbeys in commendam to personages who were not monks.

350 Canon 14

351 Canon 18.

352 Canon 15

353 Canon 24

354 canon 16

355 canon 28.

356 Innocent IV had already iegislated against it. cf. (in the Sext) c. 1. (P4), VI De cens III 20.

357 canon 12

358 canon 22.

359 Usurer, i.e. one who charged interest for a money loan, money then being a non-productive thing, a commodity consumed when used.

360 Canon 26

361 Canon 27.

362 Canon 25

363 Bull Nuper in concilio: Bullarium Ordinis Praedicatorum I. p. 524.

364 First Council of Lyons, canon 12

365 Canon 20

366 Canon 31

367 Canon 17

368 Canon 19. This alone, of all the canons of the Council, was not incorporated in the Corpus Iuris Canonici, when Boniface VIII in 1296 made the next addition to it, viz., the Sext.

369 For all this cf. the bulls of Gregory IX Nimis Iniqua (1231), and Nimis Pravos (1227 or 1234) embodied in the Corpus Iuris Canonici Cc 16, 17, X, De excessibus prelatorum, V, 31.

370 Fourth Council of the Lateran, canon 13

371 cf. Vol. II, ch. x, §II.

372 April 29, 1281, POTTHAST II, p. 1758.

373 January 16, 1275

374 A French Savoyard, to speak more correctly

375 Letters dated November 20, 1276

376 February 22, 1281

377 BREHIER, 243

378 March 30, 1282

379 cf. Map 1

380 November 18, 1282: Michael VIII was also, this same day, excommunicated anew, for the third time

381 March 21, 1283

382 Martin officially recognised him as king, May 5, 1284

383 June 4, 1284

384 There was not universal enthusiasm for the scheme in France. At Bourges, in November 1283, the barons had made it a condition that Martin IV should proclaim the war a crusade, and levy tithes for it not only in France but throughout Christendom. The pope, reluctantly, agreed. At Paris, in January 1284, when the decision to go to war was taken, the last of Louis IX's counsellors, Matthew of Vendome, was opposed to it, and so was the heir to the Crown, the future Philip the Fair, who openly sympathised with Peter of Aragon. cf. FAWTIER 280

385He had already suffered the loss of Naples at the hands of Roger de Loria (battle of June 5, 1284, in which his heir, the future Charles 11, was captured).

386cf. FAWTIER 281-2.

387Edward was inevitably concerned with Franco-Aragonese relations, by reason of his own position as Duke of Aquitaine, the all but independent ruler of a province that lay between France and Aragon. To have, as ruler of Aragon, the son or brother of his suzerain the King of France, would obviously have been a serious disadvantage, and, although remaining neutral in the war, Edward, for years, did his diplomatic best for the Aragonese kings.

388James Savelli, great-nephew of Honorius III (1216-1227).

389Aragon to his eldest son, Alfonso III; Sicily to the second son, James II.

390 One of eleven months; the other of two and a quarter years

391 cf. Vol. II, ch. x, §§1, III

392 I have set thee this day over the nations, and over kingdoms, to root up and to pull down, and to waste, and to destroy, and to build, and to plant. -- Jer. I, 10.

393 For Abbot Joachim, cf. ED. JORDAN, Joachim de Fiore in D.T.C. VIII (1925)

394 cf. DIGARD 1, 3; II, 134 n.1.

395 The personal choice of his predecessor Blessed John of Parma, deposed by the pope, Alexander IV, for alleged over-indulgence to the "spirituals."

396 Born at Beziers in Languedoc, about 1248

397 In blood Philip the Fair was very much the Spaniard -- is it fanciful to suggest that he inherited through Blanche of Castile, their common ancestress, that natural grim austerity which he had in common with Charles of Anjou? or that through his own Aragonese mother he derived that mastery of ruse by which he undoubtedly resembles her brother, the main author of all the Sicilian wars, Peter III? and Peter's sons Alfonso and James, who were to be matched against him for years? It was Philip's daughter, Isabel, who was the terrible queen of our own Edward II. A table will explain the king's descent and relation to these princes.

398 i.e. of Aragon and of Sicily.

399 Treaty of Canfranc, 28 October, 1288

400 cf. Vol. II, ch. VII, §II in fin.

401 The Institutes (an official textbook of legal education); the Digest (an official classified collection of the opinions of the greatest legal thinkers of ancient Rome) the Code (an official collection of imperial laws down to 534). These three works together with the Novellae (a collection of 175 laws of later date than 534) form the Corpus Iuris Civilis, the bible of the legist (or civilian) as the official collection of papal decretals (commonly called Corpus Iuris Canonici) was of the canonist. It should be noted well that in these palmy days of the great systems, the cleric out for a career equipped himself with a knowledge of both, and was indeed what his university degree described him, Iuris Utriusque Doctor (I.U.D.).

402 The detail of that mutual interaction hardly belongs to a general history. cf. MEYNIAL Roman Law, and also LE BRAS, Canon Law, for a very useful summary, in The Legacy of the Middle Ages, ed. CRUMP JACOB

403 MEYNIAL (op. cit., 382) expresses it succinctly: the State "is invested with an unlimited authority over the individual."

404 Rex est imperator in regno suo.

405 Et quod principi placuit, legis vigorem habet. (Instit. i, 2, 6, Digest i, 4, 1, 1, pr.) MEYNIAL (op. cit., 385) notes this dictum as "the starting point of all Romanist doctrine from the twelfth century," i.e. from the revival of systematic study of the Roman Law.

406 Or use the prince to fight the battle of a new conception of public life, and even of international order. Funck Brentano draws the new type well in Le Moyen Age (1923), p. 342. The legists, he says, "are men who belong to a new class. Law is their science; the royal authority their passion. They have studied the history of Rome and they dream of a world empire such as the Caesars governed; they have a veneration for their homeland, wish to see it powerful and respected; their minds arc filled with a vision of Gaul and its ancient frontiers, towards the reconquest of which all their energies are bent. It is not, any longer, from prestige of blood that their strength derives, nor does it come from feats of arms. Their strength is in their own intelligences and their devotion to the king's authority. It is they who are the real founders of the modern state. . . one single idea dominates their lives, becomes indeed an obsession, to enlarge the sphere of the king's rights." Such are the legists; such were Pierre Flotte, William de Nogaret, Pierre Dubois, chief counsellors of Philip the Fair and the organisers, executants and publicists of his contest with the papacy. "They founded." says Renan, "that noblesse de robe whose first act was to establish the omnipotence of the king, to bring low the power of the church, and whose last act was the Revolution."

407 DE LAGARDE, La Naissance de l'Esprit Laique au declin du Moyen Age I, 162 quoting Accursius (1182-1260), author of the Great Gloss. For a jurist to study theology is waste of time, nam omnia in corpore iuris inveniuntur

408 cf. MEYNAL, op. cit., especially pp. 382-6, and DE LAGARDE, op. cit., I, 146-68.

409 DIGARD I, 101: cf. also pp. 91-105 of this work (and the documents, published for the first time, in Appendix to Vol. II, 247-75, the grievances and remonstrances of Philip IV to Nicholas IV), where the forces, and the strategy, that will one day bring down Boniface VIII, can be seen already at work. It may, perhaps, be noted here as one of the main services of Digard's masterly book that it shows very clearly that there was a "Philip the Fair" problem for the Church before Benedict Gaetani ever became Pope Boniface VIII. His detailed study of the reign of Nicholas IV leaves this in no doubt.

410 Treaty of Senlis, 18 August, 1290

411 HEFELE-LECLERCQ VI, pt. I, p. 273

412 The third king in twenty-five years "provided" by the pores from the royal house of France. In the table these three kings are shown in capitals

413 Treaty Of Cairo, 25 April, 1290.

414 Six Romans, four Italians, two French

415 One effect of these Franco-Aragonese negotiations was that Aragon now gave back Sicily to the King of Naples, thus bringing to an end the war of the Sicilian Vespers (Treaty of Figueras, 7 December, 1293). But the Sicilians refused to be handed back to French rulers

416 cf. map in BOASE, Boniface VIII.

417

418 A saintly Friar Minor, who died in 1297, three years later than these events Archbishop of Toulouse; canonised by John XXII in 1317

419 28 September, 1294; POTTHAST II. p. 1918; and 10 December ib. p. 1921

420 The future. Adrian V; cf. supra, p. 23

421 DIGARD I, 177, quoting Cardinal Stefaneschi's contemporary Vita S. Celestini.

422 A dispensation of Nicholas IV in 1291, allowing him to keep his many benefices, gives one source of his wealth and, incidentally, shows how far the evil of pluralities and 'absenteeism' had already gone in the Church. Cardinal Benedict Gaetani was, at this time, Archdeacon of Bar in the diocese of Langres (France and of Poissy in the diocese of Chartres (France), Abbot of Alatri, canon of Langres Chartres, Lyons, Paris and St. Omer (France), of Todi, of Anagni and of St. Peter's Rome, at Rome he possessed also the churches of St. Agatha in Suburra, the Quattro Santi, S. Angelo in Foro piscium and S. Susanna; and he was Rector of Towcester in the diocese of Lincoln. Register of Nicholas Iv, nos. 7382, 7383: quoted DIGARD I 208.

423 RIVIERE (p. 94) notes Boniface as being more skilled in the knowledge of texts than in the handling of men. He was destined to compromise the fortunes of a great truth -- the primacy of the spiritual in all the affairs of life -- not only by his own personal views of what this involved, but by his unawareness how much the time and manner of his official exposition of that truth mattered. (cf. ib. 95.)

424 This general revocation was made two days after his election, 27 December 129 -- and ratified by the constitution Olim Coelestinus Papa, of 8 April, 1295 cf. POTTHAST II, p. 1928, Registres Boniface VIII, no. 770.

425 The story of the fight about taxation between Edward I and the Church has not been told in any detail, lest it should complicate unduly this summary account of the leading event in the reign of Boniface VIII. But the English conflict was long- and it was bitter -- not so much as a conflict with the Holy See as with the chief of the local episcopate, Robert Winchelsey, Archbishop of Canterbury, a valiant man of principle, whom the papal diplomacy used unscrupulously. (cf. CAPES, The English Church in the XIVth and XVth Centuries, pp. 26-45.) Edward I had already begun the slow national reaction against the vassalage of England to the pope long before this attempt to tax the Church. The Statute of Mortmain (De Religiosis Viris) in 1279 was a royal interference on a national scale with the property rights of ecclesiastical bodies- and six years later, in connection with the writ Circumspecte Agatis, the king set restrictions to the clergy's control of tithes. (For text of these two documents, see GEE and HARDY, nos. xxviii and xxix, pp. 81-5.) When the French war began Edward, in November 1294, demanded as an aid one half of the clergy's incomes -- and, after a protest, the clergy surrendered. The next year he asked for a further quarter or a fifth. The clergy offered a tenth, and finally the king accepted this. And now the clergy appealed to Rome for protection.

426 By the peace of Figueras (Dec. 7, 1293), Aragon had restored Sicily to the King of Naples. But the Sicilians rebelled against their prospective subjection to French rulers, and plans were prepared to make the island an independent kingdom under Frederick, the King of Aragon's younger brother. For a time Frederick wavered. Celestine V had confirmed the treaty (Oct. 1, 1294) and Boniface, in May 1295, had induced Frederick to abandon the Sicilians, in return for a marriage with the heiress of the Latin emperor of the East and a distant prospect of future glory. But the lady refused Frederick, and then, February 8, 1296, he accepted from the Sicilians the crown of Sicily. The war was on, once again

427 cf.: Richard of Middleton, O.Min., lecturing at Paris c. 1290. "Certe valde equum est communes expensas eorum fieri quorum est communis utilitas:" quoted DIGARD II, 120.

428 Translation of text of the bull in GEE & HARDY, NO. XXXI, p. 87.

429 DIGARD I, 277

430 20 September, 1296; Registres de Boniface VIII, NO. 1653; DIGARD I, 277-80.

431 For example, this single specimen from the second work cited: "Holy mother Church, the bride of Christ, does not consist of clergy alone, but of the laity as well. There is only one faith; there is only one Church, made up of both clergy and laity. Are we to say that it was for the clergy alone that Christ died? God forbid." DUPUY 21. For the Dialogue, cf. infra, pp. 103 n., 107

432 Exiit a Te nuper, 7 February, 1297.

433 DIGARD 1, 345.

434 ib. "un executeur complaisant des calculs de Philippe le Bel".

435 MAITLAND, Moral Personality and Legal Personality in Selected Essays, 1936, p. 228

436 William de Mendagout, Archbishop of Embrun; Beranger de Fredde, Bishop of Beziers; Richard of Siena, the pope's vice- chancellor; the legist Dino de Rossonibus, who compiled the Regulae Iuris.

437 "We [Boniface VIII], the ruler of the most holy Roman Church which the unsearchable depths of God's providence has, in His unchangeable plan, set in authority over every other church, and which He has willed should secure the chief rulership of the whole world. . . ." For the bull cf. Code of Canon Law (1918) the Preface to which reproduces almost the whole of it.

438 He died in 1289; beatified by Pius VI, 1777

439 DIGARD I, 193

440 DIGARD I, 197-8.

441 Sepe Sanctam Ecclesiam, August 1, 1296, Registres de Boniface VIII, no. 1641; cf. Digard's note, op. cit., I, 240.

442 The Spirituals, however, had no longer Olivi to lead them. That great figure had died this very year. He had spent no more than two or three years at Florence (cf. sup., p. 37! when Raymond Gaufredi promoted him to teach at Montpellier. The friar's reappearance in his native Languedoc had been the beginning of fresh troubles there. But Olivi now seems to have satisfied the Inquisitors that his theological views were orthodox, and for the last few years of his life he had lived among his brethren at Narbonne peacefully enough, but no longer in such a position of influence as a university post. On his death-bed he had submitted to the judgment of the Church all he had written and his tomb was for long a centre of pilgrimage until, about 1319, the superiors of the order commanded its destruction lest it should become a centre of heretical spirituality. By this time some of Olivi's doctrines had been condemned by the General Council of Vienne, 1312 (for the text of the condemnation cf. DENZINGER, nos. 480- 483), although Olivi's name did not appear in the sentence. But Olivi also left behind him a commentary on the Apocalypse, the thoughts and meditations of his last years. in which the approaching doom of the Church as now organised is explicitly foretold: the faithful will shortly see the second Herod who will again condemn the poverty preached by the Gospel -- the Spirituals will leave the carnal church and pass over the seas to preach to the Greeks, the Saracens, and the Tartars and although the new Caiaphas is at hand, St. Francis will return to save the elect and there will arise a descendant of Frederick II destined to conquer the empire, and France. and the carnal papacy.

It is not surprising that the whole work of Olivi should fall under suspicion and the Friars be forbidden, by their superiors, to study it. The treatise on the Apocalypse was furthermore condemned by John XXII in 1326 (cf. DIGARD II, 4-6 DOUIE, 112-16). Miss Douie's comment is very much to the point, "The baleful fascination of the doctrine of Joachim of Flora for the Zealots [i.e. the Spirituals] can best be understood when we consider the extent of its influence over the mind of their best representative." For DIGARD (op. cit.,) Olivi is a master of subterfuge and his dying profession of submission insincere, cf. here, DOUIE (op. cit., 114) saying there is little doubt that Olivi identified the Church of his day with the great harlot of the Apocalypse, the scarlet woman in fact.

443 The theories of the De Monarchia of Dante are discussed later, cf. infra pp. 109-112.

444 No act of Boniface VIII lent itself so easily to the calumny and caricature of the bitterly anti-papal historians of the sixteenth century (and their successors) or to the amusement and cynicism of the Voltaireans past and present. MANN, Lives of the Popes, Vol. XVIII, pp. 172-83, deals faithfully with the legends. Digard's note, op. cit., II, 24, is useful: "Since Michelet's eloquent pages about the Jubilee of 1300, historians have excelled themselves in presenting it as a great triumph for the papacy that really turned the pope's brain, and drove him to process through the streets of Rome robed as the Roman Emperor, as a legend we have dealt with elsewhere relates." Legends die hard and the Bampton Lectures for 1942 show this as still surviving; cf. JALLAND, The Church and the Papacy, 417n. BOASE notes (p. 237) Boniface as being away from Rome during most of this Jubilee year.

445 Bull Antiquorum habet fida: translation from H. THURSTON, S.J., The Holy Year of Jubilee, p. 13, the standard English authority on the subject

446 Dante's references to the Jubilee are well known, Inferno xviii 28 ff. Paradiso xxi, 104 ff

447 By Digard.

448. DIGARD II, 85

449 Registres de Boniface VIII, no. 3901; POTTHAST II, p. 1996

450 " It is the hand of Nogaret, and can be no other. It is a new system a hideous perversion of law, by men of great skill as legalists, who know how to twist procedures and claim justice for them, and who understand only too well the passions and dark interests of their time, how to appeal to them, and make their excitement serve some ignoble purpose. It is the cause celebre as a political force, lacking only means of publicity to rouse the unsavoury clamour of the mob, but hampered by no theories of admissible evidence, and broadening its effects to make them verbally transmissible and immediately striking. And under the protection of gloating public opinion, new abuses become possible, secret inquests, unwarned arrests, torture, overruling of resistance by sudden presentation of some horrid fait accompli. By these means fell the Templars; by these means was the posthumous trial of Boniface conducted; only more darkly, more daringly, more ingeniously, for this case of Pamiers is a first essay. . . . The spiritual powers will lie after this very much at the king's mercy." BOASE, Boniface VIII, p. 300.

451 Whose "tranquil hypocrisy bears witness to Philip the Fair's confidence in his hold over the Roman Curia." DIGARD II, 81

452 Secundum Divina, Dec. 5, 1301, Reg. Boniface VIII no. 4432 -- POTTHAST II, p. 2007

453 Salvator Mundi, Dec. 4, 1301, ib. no. 4422, POTTHAST II, p. 2006

454 Ante promotionem nostram, Dec. 5, 1301, ib. no. 4426, POTTHAST II, p. 2007

455 Same date, ib. no. 4424; POTTHAST II, p. 2006.

456 The text of these two very important speeches should be read either in DUPUY (who prints the Latin originals) or in DIGARD II, 108-14, who translates all the pope's speech and most of Acquasparta's: the summaries in MANN and BOASE are too short to convey the tone of the originals, and they are poor guides to the Roman view, as these speeches very markedly express it, of the nature of the pope's superiority over princes. It is this speech of Boniface which contains the much quoted passage: "Our predecessors have three times deposed a king of France. . . although we are not worth our predecessor's feet. . . we would turn out this king as though he were a footman. . ." The only manuscript of the speech is French (from the Parisian abbey of St. Victor) and this passage is in such violent contrast with the rest of the pope's address that it is by no means fanciful to judge it an anti-papal interpolation. Let the reader judge for himself.

457 The literature about the Unam Sanctam is immense -- cf. for example the bibliographies in RIVIERE, DIGARD, HEFELE-LECLERCQ VI, pt. i. The full text of the bull will be found in the Corpus Iuris Canonici Extrav. Comm. I. 8, 1 (Freidberg's edition, Vol. II, p. 1245), and in Registres de Boniface VIII, no. 5382; DENZINGER (nos. 468, 469) omits four passages. There is a full English translation in MANN, XVIII, pp. 347-50, and a French translation in DIGARD II, 134-6 -- both should be carefully compared with the original text. RIVIERE is no doubt, as Boase says the best modern commentator. But Digard -- whose book was not published when Boase wrote -- cannot be neglected. For while Riviere studies the bull as a statement of theological and canonist teaching (i.e. in its place among a succession of theological and canonist pronouncements about this question), Unam Sanctam is, for Digard, a manifesto put out in a political controversy. Here it is an incident not in an academic discussion, (and the bull is not read as something delivered in schola) but in a conflict between two governments -- and Digard's great value is that he sets the bull in a fuller statement of the political action in which, as a matter of historical fact, it appeared, than any other historian has so far produced. Both Riviere and Digard are necessary to any understanding of the present state of the question about Unam Sanctam.

458 op. cit., 317

459 At Caltabellotta, Aug. 24, 1302; ratified by Boniface, May 21, 1303

460 Bull Nuper ad audientiam, Aug. 15, 1303; text in Registres de Boniface VIII, no. 5383

461 Only one of the popes who have ruled since St. Gregory VII -- a contemporary of William the Conqueror -- has been canonised seven of them have been beatified -- Benedict XI among them -- the last of whom was Urban V (1362-1370). All but one of these eight popes was either a monk or a friar.

462 For a good account, and detailed, documented refutation of the legend that his election was bought by a previous promise to be the tool of Philip the Fair cf. HEFELE-LECLERCQ VI pt. i, 486-95.

463 And who was also that Archbishop of Lyons about whose appointment, by Nicholas IV, there had been such trouble with Philip the Fair, in 1289. cf. supra, p. 46.

464 By the constitutions Pastoralis Cura and Meruit, both in the Corpus Iuris Canonici: Clem., lib. III, tit. xvii De Immun. eccles., caput Quoniam, and Extrav. Comm. lib. V, tit. vii, De Privilegiis, c.2.

465 Berenger Fredol and Etienne de Suisy, creatures both of the French king

466 In the beginning of 1308, H.-L. VI, pt. i, 533, note 1

467 cf. H.-L. VI, pt. i, 530-1.

468 cf. H.-L. VI, Pt. i, 536-7.

469 It sat at Paris

470 Not a metropolitan see until 1622

471 Bull of August 6, 1310, in Registers of Clement V, no. 6376: this was in reply to the English king's explanation that the use of torture had no place in English law. In Castile the pontifical commission had found the order not guilty of the charges, but here also the pope now intervened and ordered a new enquiry, with torture of the Templars ad habendam ab eis de praedictis veritatis plenitudinem certiorem (Registers, anno VI , p. 105). The like thing happened in the neighbouring kingdom of Aragon; an acquittal by the pontifical commission, the pope's refusal to ratify this and his order that the case should be tried anew and this time torture be used (ib., nos. 6716, 7493). It also happened in Italy. But at Ravenna (June 1310) the provincial council defied the pope. Here the council decided not to use torture, with the two Dominican inquisitors alone standing out for it, and decided also not to leave the accused to the judgment of the pope, and also to ignore confessions made under torture or under the fear of torture (H.-L. VI, pt. i, p. 630). Dom Leclercq's reflections on this revolting business are surely worth repeating. "What a fantastic system of law that assimilates to a relapse into heresy a man's protestation that, despite declarations wrung by torture, he has never ceased to be orthodox ! What an immoral system, criminal even, where judgments are based on an abuse of force and on confessions made in the unconsciousness of suffering. . . . The procedure we have seen at work is one of those things that no human language can describe; no language is equal to the feelings that call for expression What dominates the mind is a loathing for the system of law -- and for its agents -- that can use as a means of investigation, and of conviction, the unawareness of the mind plunged into an excess of pain." (H.-L. ib. 588, 596). For the general question cf. W. ULLMAN Reflections on Medieval Torture in The Juridical Review Dec. . 1944.

472 cf.: especially the bull Rex Gloriae of this date, Register of Clement V, anno VI , p. 411; resume, with extracts translated, in HEFELE-LECLERCQ VI, pt. i, 574-6.

473 Qui Facit Magna in Bullarium edit. Cocquelines (Rome 1741). t. III, pt. 2, pp. 140-3, cf. supra, p. 54, note 1

474 This is the method urged in one of the pamphlets of the anti- papal "press campaign" of 1308. Ecclesia contra totum ordinem per modum iudicii non habet procedere sed per modum provisionis; cf. H.-L. VI, pt. i, p. 531, note 1.

475 cf. MOLLAT, op. cit., 250-6 for a good resume

476 EUBEL I pp. 13-14. cf. Map II

477 RIVIERE, 70

478 Translated into other languages also: e.g. the Disputatio inter clericum et militem (cf. supra p. 63) translated into English about 1387 by John Trevisa, an associate of Wyclif, was published once more under the auspices of Henry VIII in 153 --, part of the " publicity campaign " that accompanied the establishment of his new religion based on the doctrine of the royal supremacy. The work was so popular on the continent that it was one of the first books to be printed and, a generation before Luther, six editions of it appeared in Germany, Austria and the Netherlands (1470-1491) cf. JANELLE 261-65. Trevisa's version is in the Early English Text Society Vol. 167, edited by A. J. Perry, 1925.

479 It is well, before beginning to survey the writings -- and to estimate the papal position -- to bear in mind the warning a specialist gives us, that much more preliminary work needs to be done before we can claim to know exactly what the theories were, of Church and State, that were current in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the centuries that is to say which culminated in Boniface and Philip the Fair. (RIVIERE 3 and 4).

480 ib. 3

481 "Ridiculose subicitur legi qui legibus omnibus imperialiter est solutus." The reference is to Justinian

482 i e. in Christendom; not of course in the Church, where, at this period, all parties acknowledged his supremacy. cf. RIVIERE 17-18

483 i.e. Henry of Segusia, Cardinal-Bishop of Ostia, who died in 1271 -- he is styled "pater canonum", " monarcha iuris " and " fons iuris ".

484 Sinibaldo Fieschi, author of one of the very first commentaries on the Corpus of Canon law published by Gregory IX in 1234, namely Apparatus in V Libros Decretalium and according to Maitland the greatest of the lawyer popes

485 RIVIERE, 78

486 Ib. 91

487 i.e. of 1378-1417

488 RIVIERE, 299

489 Luke xxii, 38

490 Summa Theologica I-I-10 ad 1

491 RIVIERE, 171-3 very good here

492 ib.

493 General of his order, and then (1295-1316) Archbishop of Bourges, his contribution to the debate is the De Ecclesiastica Potestate a treatise used -- so Riviere thinks -- by whoever drew up the Unam Sanctam: critical edition by Scholtz, 1929.

494 Archbishop of Benevento (1302) and of Naples 1302-1307. His De regimine Christiano edited by H. X. Arquilliere, Paris, 1926: cf. HULL 29-47, for a very good account of it.

495 DIGARD II, 4 considers James less exacting than his brother of Bourges. He quotes the interesting passage: "Potest accipi via media ut dicatur quod institutio potestatis temporalis naturaliter et inchoative habet Esse a naturali hominum inclinatione ac per hac a Deo. . .; perfective autem et formaliter habet Esse a potestate spirituali. Nam gratia non tollit naturam sed perficit." Digard goes on to say that this is the solution Dante too hints at in Bk. III, Ch. 4 of the De Monarchia.

496 De Potestate Regia et Papali. The text is printed in GOLDAST Monarchia S. Romani Imperii, sive tractatus de iurisdictione imperiali, regia et pontificia seu sacerdotali (3 vols. Frankfort 1668) Vol. II, pp. 108-47; and analysed, from the point of view of this particular controversy, in RIVIERE op. cit., pp. 281-300. The author, known also as John the Sleeper (Joannes Dormiens, Jean Quidort) whom Riviere considers to be, as an original thinker, of equal weight with his great Augustinian opponents, was born, seemingly, about 1269. He took a bachelor's degree in arts, at Paris, in 1290; entered the Order of Preachers, where he distinguished himself as a notable follower of St. Thomas, and took his lector's degree in Theology in 1304. He was then considered in the front line of his order, and his premature death two years later, while still teaching at Paris, must have been reckoned a real loss -- something we may not unfairly parallel with the disappearance about the same time of his great Franciscan contemporary at Paris, Duns Scotus (born c. 1266, d. 1308) cf. RIVIERE op. cit., 148-50.

497 RIVIERE, 293 cf. a] so " si le pape connait du peche, ce ne peut etre qu' au point de vue de la morale theorique" quoted by Riviere 189 from Goldast's edition of John of Paris II, 131.

498 There are other theories too in John of Paris, about the deposition of popes, theories which made him extremely useful to the Gallicans for centuries. But on the point of this particular controversy Bellarmine classed him with his awn (RIVIERE 300) and he is a distant but unmistakable ancestor of Leo XIII's teaching in the Immortale Dei. As for the Augustinians, alas vix ac ne vix quidem sunt attendabiles says a modern theologian (Cardinal Billot, RIVIERE 374 note).

499 cf. RIVIERE even says it is no longer possible to understand the debate engaged in France without taking into account Dante's theories also (op. cit., XI). Of all the catastrophic events from the days of the Sicilian Vespers and on for another forty years, Dante (1265-1321) was, of course, a shrewd, well placed, and extremely interested witness -- if not an impartial recorder of what he observed, and suffered. It is not necessary to say that in the Divina Commedia we have his most vivid contemporary comment on the story of these years. And although the description would not be accurate from the point of view of Church History, it should not be lost sight of that these years are, in one sense, very truly the Age of Dante: cf. Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. VII, where this is the title of the opening chapter.

500 Digard's view is followed here, viz. that the De Monarchia was provoked by the Florentine situation of April-May 1300 (Boniface VIII's bulls of 24 April and 13 May). His own judgment is that in the treatise " a rare strength of thought goes hand in hand with all the worst abuses of scholastic methodology, with views that are sheer fantasy, and a complete absence of the historical sense" (op. cit., II 10-11, 9).

501 Dante's own application of this text (Ps. ii. 1).

502 Quae quidem veritas ultimae quaestionis [i.e. that the emperor's authority is from God directly] non sic stricte recipienda est ut Romanus Princeps in aliquo Romano Pontifici non subiaceat, quum mortalis ista felicitas quodammodo ad immortalem felicitatem ordinetur (Book III, Ch. 16, at the end)

503 RIVIERE, 339

504 cf. RIVIERE, 381-2. The suggestion is that the champions of the papacy lumped together all the popes had claimed, as though all the claims were of the same nature -- and put up a single type of argument to defend the lot. A like tactical mistake cost the Church much in the nineteenth century, when certain zealous protagonists of Papal Infallibility failed to make the necessary distinction between the various types of papal pronouncements. Riviere's comment seems well worth quoting as a finale to this summary notice of the great controversy, namely that its history should be useful to theologians in its suggestions " pour distinguer l'accessoire de l'essentiel et asseoir sur le roc de la tradition chretienne l'interpretation systematique de la foi " (ib. 383)

505 The explosive colloquialism is Etienne Gilson's; cf. Reason and Revelation, p. 90

506 Roger Bacon (1214-1292), paying tribute to his master Grosstete, explains the service he did the order of Friars Minor by his teaching and his warning that " unless the brethren devoted themselves to study, the same fate would befall us as had befallen the other religious whom we see, alas, walking in the darkness of ignorance."

507 Roger Bacon is here indebted to Pierre de Maricourt, the Picard master on whom he lavished unreserved praise

508 Impossibile est res huius mundi sciri, nisi sciatur mathematica quoted in GILSON La Philosophie du Moyen Age, 214

509 c. 1290: Scotus was ordained priest at Northampton in 1290. Born at Duns in Northumberland, seemingly about 1266. He taught at Oxford until 1302, then for six years at Paris. He had just begun to teach at Cologne when, very prematurely, he died 1308. The chief of his works are (1) the Commentary on the Sentences of Peter Lombard, six folio volumes in the Lyons edition, this represents his Oxford teaching and is known as the Opus Oxoniense, it is considered the surest and best of his theological work -- (2) the Reportata Parisiensia and the Questiones Quodlibetales which represent the teaching at Paris in his later years, the culminating point of his genius. It needs to be said that we do not by any means know the thought of Scotus as surely as we know that of St. Thomas. The living tradition of Scotus' teaching, very active and influential in the centuries when in every university of Catholic Europe there were dual chairs of Thomist and Scotist theology, was broken at the French Revolution and, in a sense, has been lost. And the texts of Scotus are in a lamentable state, still awaiting the labours of a body of critical editors. Scotus never had the opportunity to revise his written text, and the pupils to whose devotion we owe the works based on his lectures and ascribed to him, were often not content with a simple reproduction of his words. They made additions; they left things out; and here and there they altered the master's words. So badly have some of the texts been mishandled that it has been described as " a labyrinth where no light has come for nearly 600 years." (cf. the report of the commission appointed by the Franciscan order to study the preparation of a critical edition, Ratio Criticae Editionis. . . exhibita Capitulo Generali. . . 1939: it is from this that the last quotation is taken.) It will, inevitably, be many a year before anyone is in a position to say the final word about Duns Scotus

510 cf. Archbishop Peckham's letter to the pope "We are therefore writing this to you, Holy Father, so that, if they should have deafened your wise ears with partial statements about the matter, you may know the infallible truth of the fact; and so that the most holy Roman church may deign to note how, since the teaching of the two orders [i.e. Dominicans and Franciscans] is today almost wholly in direct opposition on all points that are debatable, and since the teaching of one of them [i.e. the Dominicans] -- which rejects and in part contemns the opinions of saints -- is almost entirely based on the findings of philosophy, the House of God is becoming filled with idols and given over to that lassitude of conflicting discussion which the Apostle foretold, [and that it may be aware] what immensity of danger thence threatens the Church in the times that are ahead." Quoted GILSON L'Esprit de la Philosophie Medievale I 219 from DENIFLE- CHARTRAIN, Chartularium Univeritatis Parisiensis I 627.

511 Stated most bluntly in Luther, then a Catholic and teaching Theology in a Catholic university, e.g. There are many things in the Catholic faith " which manifestly appear contrary to reason and whose opposites are in accord with reason "; Introduction to the Second Book of the Sentences of Peter Lombard, fol. 13b; quoted in DENIFLE-PAQUIER III, 226-9

512 GILSON, La Philosophie du Moyen Age, 234

513 cf., for example, the warning of two modern popes, Pius X (Encyclical Pascendi 1907) and Pius XI (Encyclical Studiorum Ducem, 1923), "to deviate from St. Thomas in metaphysics especially is to run very considerable risk."

514 But he was not a pupil of Scotus, nor was he ever a member of Merton College

515 If he is, as Professor Jacob thinks very likely, the William of Ockham O. Min. ordained subdeacon by Archbishop Winchelsey in St. Mary's, Southwark, Feb. 26, 1306 (cf. Ockham as a Political Thinker in Essays 85-105).

516 But, again, there is no critical edition of Ockham; nor has anyone yet made a complete critical study of his philosophico- theological works; nor of his no less epoch-making contribution to the debate on the relations of Church and State. AMANN reports " Des difficultes enormes s'opposent a un travail de ce genre "; Occam in D.T.C. XI, col. 876. But cf. infra p. 545 of the new edition now in progress.

517 cf. A. PELZER in Revue d'histoire ecclesiastique, t. XXIII (1922), pp. 240-70, Les 51 Articles de Guillaume de Ockham

518 cf. PAUL VIGNAUX in Occam, D.T.C. XI, 876, who, giving his reasons, is most emphatic about this.

519 With Gilson, in The Unity of Philosophical Experience; e.g., p. 87, Ockham "was convinced that to give a psychological analysis of human knowledge was to give a philosophical analysis of reality."

520 GILSON The Unity of Philosophical Experience, pp. 67-8

521 For an exposition and criticism of Ockham's teaching which can be understood by those with no philosophical training cf. GILSON, op. cit., pp. 60-92.

522 cf. VIGNAUX in D.T.C. XI, 902-3, article Occam

523 " Un titre au chatiment," AMANN in Occam, D.T.C. XI, 894.

524 "The Church, in a word, stood apart from the fight between nominales and reales. Ockhamism as a system has never been the object of condemnation as a whole. Whenever ecclesiastical authority intervened [with regard to it] -- and this was but seldom -- it only did so against particular theses which derived from the Ockhamist principles in more or less direct line, and which appeared to authority to menace [Catholic] dogma. It does not seem that any notice was ever taken of what constituted the real danger of nominalism, that is to say the absolute separation it made between the domain of faith and that of reason. . . . It needed the upheaval brought about by humanism and the Reformation to awaken the theologians to the scale of this danger. AMANN- VIGNAUX, article Occam in D.T.C. XI, col. 902-3 -- italics added.

525 DENZINGER nos. 553-570 gives the theses condemned. for Nicholas see VIGNAUX, art. Nicholas d'Autrecourt in D.T.C. XI; GILSON, Unity &c, 97-103; also infra, pp. 225-7.

526 The phrase is Gilson's.

527 cf. GILSON, Esprit de la Philosophie medievale, Vol. II, p. 267 ad 3.

528 For contemporary evidence how rapidly Ockham's ideas spread cf. Conrad of Mengenburg, O. Min., his " most vigorous opponent ", quoted in JACOB Essays 102, to the effect that "a third of those now engaged [1354] in that study had 'apostatized from solid philosophy'".

529 A tiny city within the papal domain and fifteen miles from Avignon

530 Third General Council of the Lateran, 1179.

531 cf. Vol. II, ch. IX, III.

532 BIHL, O.F.M., in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, t. XXII, p. 188, reviewing GRATIEN, O.M., Cap. Histoire de la fondation et de l'evolution de l'ordre des Freres Mineurs (Paris 1928), the standard work on its great subject. Fr. Bihl's articles Fraticelli and Friars in Catholic Encyclopaedia (Vols. VI and VII) should be read

533 Exiit qui Seminat, it was actually written by Benedict Gaetani, the future Boniface VIII (cf. supra p. 71). DIGARD (op. cit., I, 198) considers that the very genius of this canonist unfitted him for this particular task -- that the " habilites inutilement conciliatrices" and the mischievous subtleties introduced into the bull were harmful to its prestige and the prestige of the legislator

534 cf. supra, p. 35-7, 69-72.

535 This is something of an exaggeration -- the movement did not really trouble the order outside of Italy and the South of France, i.e. in only five of its thirty-four provinces. But those were most important provinces, if not " key provinces."

536 May 5, 1312: translation in SCHROEDER, 407-13 (abbreviated), text in Corpus Iuris Canonici: c. 1, in Clem., De verb. signif., V, 11, and H.-L. VI. pt. ii, 703-15.

537 Quorumdam Exigit, October 7, 1317.

538 Elected at the General Chapter of Naples, Pentecost 1317 he was a professor of Theology at Paris, " belonged to the moderate party in the order and had hitherto taken no part in the controversy" (DOUIE 17, n. 9.) Bihl agrees: "a moderate conventual."

539 Quorumdam Exigit

540 August 14, 1279

541 Bull, Ad Conditorem Canonum.

542 Bull, Cum Inter Nonnullos

543 cf. DOUIE, Chapter VI, for a good summary of these extremely lengthy and involved documents

544 Whence the comment of Fr. Bihl that John XXII is the founder of "Conventualism", using the word in contradistinction to the " Observance" (Cath. Encyc. VI, p. 284)

545 By this act John XXII becomes the founder of the order based on the Conventual version of the Franciscan ideal -- of the order we know as distinguished from the Observants: cf. BIHL in Cath. Encyc. VI, 284.

546 Cum Inter Nonnullos. DENZINGER, no. 212, gives the Latin text of the defining clauses

547 Quia Quorumdam, bull of 10 November, 1324

548 Held at Lyons

549 cf. DOUIE, p. 167

550 Elected August 7, 1316.

551 Bull Romani Principes: text in the Corpus Iuris Canonici: Clementines II, cf. cap. unicum.

552 Bull Pastoralis Cura: text ib. II, 9, 2

553 For details of the varying fortunes of this war (1317-1334) see MOLLAT, op. cit., 135-43

554 Bull Ad Conditorem Canonum, 8 December, 1322.

555 Bull Cum Inter Nonnullos, 23 November, 1323.

556 Defensor Pacis

557 Marsiglio and John of Jandun: cf. infra, pp. 145-53, 226

558 For a description of Lewis's activities in 1328-9 as patterned on the action of Philip the Fair, and as directed by Marsiglio, cf. DE LAGARDE II

559 April 3, 1327, bull Quia Iuxta Doctrinam

560 October 23, 1327; bull Licet Iuxta Doctrinam.

561 The name chosen was symbolical of much. The last Franciscan pope -- the only one so far -- was Nicholas IV, and it was Nicholas III who was the author of the decretal about Franciscan poverty for revoking which John XXII had just been " deposed."

562 He lived on for another three years, an inmate of the papal palace, generously pensioned with 3,000 florins a year.

563 Treaty of Frankfort, December 7, 1333

564 July 24, 1334

565 December 4, 1334

566 Alliance of Lewis and Edward III, August 26, 1337; Edward named vicar for Lower Germany, September 5, 1338.

567 And marriage

568 May 7, 1342

569 Diet of Frankfort September 9, 1344

570 And the grandson; of the emperor, Henry VII (1308-1313)

571 Elected December 18, 1352

572 This was Charles V, elected in 1519; for the very different kind of thing the pope's share was by then in an imperial election, cf. infra. pp. 432-4.

573 Barely fifty years after Boniface VIII's statement of those claims in all their plenitude and the emperor's acceptance of them to the letter! The pope is solemnly recognising Albert I as emperor and he says " As the moon has no light save that it receives from the sun, so too no earthly power has anything except that it receives from the ecclesiastical power. . . all power derives from Christ and from Us as the vicar of Jesus Christ." The emperor's ambassadors agree, and say to the pope " Thou who art absolute lord, not of one land only, one fatherland or province but without any limitation and universally, will judge rightly and without any objection made, reasonably, the ends of the earth so that to Thee may be said that word of Isaias ' Thou, O Lord, art our judge, thou art our lawgiver '; and rightly so, since ' by Thee Kings do reign and the makers of laws decree what is just; by Thee do princes command the great ones of the earth decree justice ' as it is said in the Proverbs." Speeches in Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Leges, sec. IV. . IV, 1, n. 173, pp. 138-45; cf. RIVIERE, op. cit., 91-2.

574 In recent years two critical editions of the text, with valuable introductions (and notes), have been published: PREVITE ORTON The "Defensor Pacis" of Marsilius of Padua (Cambridge, 1926), and SCHOLZ, Marsilius von Padua. Defensor Pacis (a volume of the Monumenta Germaniae Historica, 1932): G. DE LAGARDE has an admirable monograph, perhaps the best introduction to the study of Marsiglio, Marsile de Padoue ou le premier theoricien de l'Etat laique (1934); it is the second volume of La Naissance de l'esprit laique au declin du Moyen Age, is well documented, and may well serve as a critical review of the now vast Marsilian bibliography. J. RIVIERE studies the papal condemnation of the work in his article Marsile de Padoue in the D.T.C. X. MCILLLWAIN'S The Growth of Political Thought in the West (New York, 19;2) is useful and of course R. W. & A. J. CARLYLE, History of Political Theory in the West, Vol. VI (1936); cf. also A. p. D'ENTREVES Medieval Contributions to Political Thought (1939).

575 DE LAGARDE, op. cit., II, 200.

576 " Do we not read in [Averroes'] works that nature shows us in Aristotle the pattern of the final perfection of human nature? that Providence gave him to us that we might know all that can be known?. . . Aristotle's writings are a whole, to be taken or left, they form the system of the written reason, so to say. . . all that we now need to do is to study again the master's theses as Averroes interprets them." PAUL VIGNAUX, La Pensee au Moyen Age, Paris, 1938, p. 79.

577 " His reconstruction and interpretation of Aristotelian doctrines is very often merely external and mechanical." D'ENTREVES, 50.

578 Note also " His unveiled scepticism works havoc in the elaborate system of co-ordination between reason and faith, between human and divine authority which had been built up by the Thomists. This is the crucial point of Marsilius' position." D'ENTREVES, 48-49

579 De regimine Principum I, c. 1

580 Quidam naturalis impetus, Commentary on Aristotle's Politics (I. c. 1)

581 For St. Thomas and all his tradition Law is a thing of the reason. Marsiglio's conception of Law " can. . . be termed ' voluntarist,' for it is this emphasis upon the paramountcy of will which really breaks up the Thomist conception " (D'ENTREVES 64). The later chapters of this volume will have more to say about the gradual triumph of " voluntarism " until it becomes the dominant note Of thought and in that time there is born, among others, Dr. Martin Luther.

582 Magis esset iniquitas quam lex, Summa Theologica 1-2, q. 90, a. 1., ad. 3.

583 De LAGARDE II, Marsile de Padoue, p. 190. Whence did all this derive? From Aristotle? Hardly, the words are often Aristotle, but the spirit and the ideal towards which Marsiglio is striving have more in common with the Roman Law (so de Lagarde). It is in this tradition of Roman Law that Marsiglio found his " sovereign people," and he found it there as he presents it, i.e. unsupported by any attempted rational justification. It was already a living idea in more than one milieu frequented by Marsiglio.

584 cf. supra, p. 82

585 DE LAGARDE, op. cit., p. 14

586 Quia Iuxta Doctrinam

587 Licet Iuxta Doctrinam: DENZINGER prints the text of the actual propositions condemned (nos. 495-500). The best theological discussion of the condemnation is in J. Riviere's article Marsile de Padoue in D.T.C., X (1928).

588 For Alvarez Pelayo's critique in the De Statu et Planctu Ecclesiae cf. De LAGARDE, op. cit., 316-22, who, though allowing it a certain value, says that it does not amount to a shadow of a reply to Marsiglio.

589 cf. for an instance, Dietrich of Nieen in JACOB, Essays, 41-2; also PREVITEORTON, Marsilius of Padua, p. 29, "in the days of the great Schism of the west. . . he was copied and recopied. . . he was read by the Hussites and by John Hus their leader"; RIVIERE (op. cit., 277) also notes that it was from Marsiglio that the Gallicans of Constance took their useful formula "caput ecclesiae ministeriale" to describe what the pope really is -- a formula found no less useful at Basel too: cf. infra 261 n. 2.

590 "Thou shalt fynde in it the image of these our tymes most perfectly and clerlye expressed and set out," says the preface to this translation. For the use made by Henry VIII of Marsiglio's theories cf. JANELLE, 251-66; for the relation between the theories and the first propagandists of Anglicanism in England, ib. 266-80, 310-313. "Ils ont resuscite, a son usage, la querelle entre le pape et l'empereur, ils s'inspirent directement du Defensor Pacis de Marsile de Padoue" (ib. 327).

591 For text of definition see DENZINGER, nos. 530-1.

592 Five of the seven Avignon popes -- Clement V, Clement VI, John XXII, Innocent VI and Gregory XI -- had the advantage of a first- rate legal training, and of many years of practical experience as working canonists in the different grades of papal and diocesan work -- though none of them were (like Alexander III or Innocent IV) of that higher type of jurist whose legal thought creates new, dynamic, legal doctrine.

593 Consilium de emendanda ecclesia. This seems the place to hint at the reverse of the picture. " The papal curia [was] above all a court of law, and its appearance changed. . . according as temporal interests acquired greater importance, as the role of the legists grew greater and as the school of Bologna impressed its own character on the learning of the canonists. . . a habit of chicanery, the predominance of juridical subtleties over the spirit of equity [developed]. . . [the influence of] those whose living was the law courts increased the mischief, and these became forces only too evidently active about the papal throne." DIGARD I, 181.

594 It was Sixtus V who, in 1587, fixed their number at 70.

595 Clement V in nine years created 24 -- John XXII in eighteen years 28 -- Benedict XII 7 in eight years; Clement VI 25 in ten; Innocent VI 15 in as many; Urban V 14 in eight years; and Gregory XI 21 in seven years. Urban VI, deserted by all his cardinals in 1378, created a whole new college of 24 in a single consistory, September 28, 1378. cf. Appendix, for details of the cardinals, their numbers and nationality etc., at each conclave of the period 1271-1521

596 cf. infra, p. 164.

597 Systematically organised by Benedict XII by the bull In Agro Dominico, April 8, 1338

598 Bull Ratio Iuris of John XXII, November 16, 1331

599 And then it ended in a compromise !

600 Reorganised by John XXII, by the bull Qui Exacti Temporis of November 16, 1331

601 For this cf. LE BRAS, Canon Law, and MEYNIAL, Roman Law, in The Legacy of the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1926) -- also F. CIMETIER, Les Sources du droit ecclesiastique (Paris, 1930); VINOGRADOFF, Rornan Law in the Medieval World, edition of 1929 with Francis de Zulueta's introduction.

602 e.g. Bishop of Durham (province of York), v. Bishop of Lincoln (province of Canterbury).

603 Bull Rex Pacificus, 5 September, 1234; cf. F. CIMETIER op. cit., 68-73.

604 The Sext; cf. supra., p. 67-9

605 By the bull Quoniam Nulla, 25 October, 1317

606 For the full history of which see the classic work of PAUL FOURNIER and G. LEBRAS, Histoire des Collections canoniques en occident depuis les fausses decretales jusqu'au decret de Gratien Paris 1931 -- also FOURNIER, Etudes sur les fausses decretales in Revue d'histoire ecclesiatique, 1906-1907, and the same authority's article Decretales (Fausses) in the Dictionnaire Apologetique de la Foi Chretienne.

607 cf. MEYNIAL, op. cit., 396: " Throughout the Middle Ages the Civil Law was the daily and hourly vade mecum of our [the author is a Frenchman] jurists. Their own doctrinal inexperience held them spellbound before this orderly sequence of juristic commands, this wealth of dialectical ingenuity. They were attracted at the same time by the stubbornness of ancient principles. . . . The Civil Law became to them an inexhaustible arsenal full of all manner of mighty weapons ready to be snatched up and wielded in the tussles of everyday life."

608 On the other hand the spirit and doctrines of the canon law influenced the development of the civil law -- and the canon law as administered, balanced, in practice, by its flexibility the more rigid civil law. Laws about the transmission of property, the practice of making a will, rules about inter-state succession, owe very much to the influence of the canonists. The Church courts were the refuge and protection of miserabiles personae, widows, for example, and orphans, over whose cause they had exclusive jurisdiction whenever justice had been denied or spoliation suffered. Another important debt to the canonist is the notion that protection is due to the possession of property pending any decision about its ownership, and the related practice that gives a man a right of action against those who despoil him on the plea that they are but taking back what is their own. Again the canonist doctrine must be noted that bad faith, at whatever stage of the business, vitiates the title to own deriving from prescription: keeping is stealing as soon as you know who is the real owner. Most important of all, the canonists' insistence on good faith as an element in the pursuance of legal rights led to the completion of the Roman theory of contracts and pacts. All this, and much else, may be found summarised in LE BRAS, op. cit., 342-58: let it be noted, with him, that " No form of procedure has ever given a greater importance to the judge's office, and in no other has the search for truth been more effectively kept free from the shackles of formalism" (p. 358) and also his concluding sentences (p. 361), " The care of the poor and the oppressed which was characteristic of Judaism, the Roman love of order and authority, the Greek conceptions of political economy and formal logic, the enthusiasm and scrupulousness of the Celts, which were shown more particularly in their penitential system -- all these conquests of the human mind, which seemed to her in accordance with her fundamental principles, went to the enrichment of the Church's law, and were assimilated to her own doctrine after such modification and correction as was required to bring them into harmony with her own point of view. It is indeed the highest moral tradition of the West and of the Mediterranean peoples which has been gathered up and handed down to us in the classic law of the Church."

609 Camerlengo in later form

610 Below 100 florins a year

611 Naples 8,000 ounces of gold, Sicily, 3,000 ounces, Aragon (for Corsica and Sardinia), 2,000 silver marks sterling; England, 700 silver marks sterling, and another 300 for Ireland MOLLAT, 365.

612 The name will recall that of the hated English levy the " benevolence."

613 Cardinal Ehrle's Historia Bibliothecae pontificum romanorum, t. 1, p. 246.

614 cf. especially MOLLAT & SAMARAN, La Fiscalite Ponficale en France au XIVme siecle (Paris, 1905), E. GOLLER & K. H. SCHAEFER, Vatikanische Quellen zur Geschichte der Papstlichen Hof-und Finanverwaltung, 1316-1378, 4 vols., 1910-20; MOLLAT, Papes d'Avignon, gives an extensive bibliography of such studies, classified by countries: pp. 11-13, 412-13 (edition of 1924).

615 MOLLAT, 379.

616 ib. 310, who (p. 352) reckons 324 florins as equal to 20,000 francs (1912 value).

617 Ib. 379

618 For papal taxation in England cf. W. LUNT

619 The Statutes of Provisors speak as though the so-called Petition of Carlisle was also a statute: for text of the Statute of Carlisle cf. GEE & HARDY, XXXIII, pp. 92-4; cf. ib. no. XXXII, for barons' letter to Boniface VIII (1301) denying pope's right to judge English kings in respect of Scotland

620 cf. in GEE & HARDY, no. XXXIV (pp. 96-102), the Articuli Cleri of 1316, a kind of concordat about the frontiers of the royal and ecclesiastical jurisdictions

621 Thus e.g. Clement VI lent to the French King Philip VI 600,000 florins in the five years 1345-1350; cf. MOLLAT, op. cit., 84

622 25 Edw. III, stat. 4. There is a translation of the text, as recited in 13 Ric. II, stat. 2 in GEE & HARDY, pp. 113-19: see also MAITLAND, Canon Law in the Church of England, Ch. II.

623 The statute "maintains a distinction between the lay and the spiritual patron" (MAITLAND, op. cit., 68), only protecting the latter. Maitland notes (ih. 67, n. 2) that the popes usually left lay patrons alone

624 25 Edw. III, stat. 5, cap. 2

625 27 Edw. III, stat. I; text translated in GEE & HARDY, no. XXV, pp. 103-4

626 Ever since the time of Henry II (1154-1189) it had been English law and practice that cases about presentations to benefices were matters for the king's court and not for the spiritual court

627 13 Ric. II, stat. 2; text translated GEE & HARDY, no. XXXIX, pp. 112-21; also BETTENSON, 233-9

628 16 Ric. II, cap 5; ib. no. XL, pp. 122-4; also BETTENSON, 239- 42. For the motives and purpose of this act cf. WAUGH in Eng. Hist. Rev., Vol. XXXVII

629 Boniface IX, 1389-1404, for whom as a financial organiser cf. infra pp. 257-9

630 John de' Gigli, provided to Worcester, Aug. 30, 1497 (EUBEL II, 294).

631 cf. ELLIS, 123: ". . . when. . . Henry began to show an unfriendly attitude towards the papacy in the Acts against the Annates in 1532, against Appeals, 1533 Ecclesiastical Appointments, 1534 against the Papal Dispensations and Paynnent of Peter's Pence, he was not enacting legislation which was essentially new in character."

632 cf. for France the picture in IMBART DE LA TOUR, Les Origines de la Reforme en France, Vol. II, 215-27

633 For which cf. the illuminating work Papal Provisions by G. BARRACLOUGH (Oxford, 1935) and also E. F. JACOB Essays in the Conciliar Epoch (London, 1943), from whom I venture to steal the opening sentence of a weighty, considered judgment. "The censorious view of the system [i.e. of papal provisions] prevalent among English historians is mainly due to acceptance of literary rather than administrative evidence, without any attempt at statistical exploration. . ." (op. cit. 25)

634 An easy way which princes also learnt to follow, and because of which, from this fourteenth century onwards, they never ceased to demand from the popes (and to obtain in very large measure) the right themselves to appoint to ecclesiastical benefices.

635 If anyone finds the expression unpleasantly harsh let him read what the saints of the time said about the scandals, or the popes themselves in their reforming moods, or the stories of how the money was spent such as they are told by the sober, matter-of-fact Pastor whose volumes on this period have been translated into English now nearly sixty years.

636 cf. COCQUELINES III, pt. 2. For Benedict XII cf. besides the account in MOLLAT, Papes d'Avignon, the article in D.H.G.E., Vol. VIII (1935), cols. 115-135, by L. Jadin

637 Pamiers, 1317-26, and Mirepoix, 1326-27

638 "It can be said that the spirit of Benedict XII's reforms still, to-day, in great part, dominates the discipline of the regular orders." JADIN in D.H.G.E., cit. c. 121.

639 D.H.G.E. VIII, 124 seq. This latest biographer finds Benedict XII more independent of the French crown, in Anglo-French affairs, than his predecessors. He notes the pope as preventing war in 1336, and securing a truce in 1338; hindering the French occupation of Guyenne and, at the same time, protesting against Edward III's dynastic claim -- securing a suspension of hostilities in 1339 and threatening both Edward m and Philip VI with excommunication, negotiating a temporary truce in 1342

640 June 17, 1335. COCQUELINES, Vol. III, pt. 2, pp. 201-3.

641 Delinquent abbots are excused the floggings.

642 Summi Magistri, June 20, 1336. Twenty-five folio pages in COCQUELINES III-2, 16-40; for Fulgeus sicut stella (the Cistercian reform) ib. 203-13.

643 On one cause of the decline of Benedictine life from about 1150 I should like to quote the words of a leading modern specialist. For Dom Schmitz, O.S.B., the principal cause is the feudal spirit as it now begins to affect the abbey, not only as a moral or juridical personality, but as a body of religious. "The abbot becomes a lord, and his wholly spiritual office becomes a temporal dignity, as to the conventual duties of the monks, they were now transformed into so many money rights and benefices. The various cloistral duties took on the semblance of fiefs, and these fiefs are henceforward the property of those who hold them. . . . So there came into being prebends attributed to each member of the community." From now on abbeys were increasingly a convenience for the great men of the land wherein to place those for whom they wished easily to provide. Abbeys begin to be granted to sees and to laymen too. The numbers of recruits to the monastic life (thus in process of transformation) begin to fall off; the new orders of Friars attract, in their first days many of the best minds. Soon there are not enough monks in the abbey to carry on the life. What monks there are, are overworked with material anxieties, there is neither time nor the means for study. Add to this the economic difficulties which never cease to harass the monks, and also the defective spirit of many of the early reformers who, says Dom Berliere (quoted ibid., col. 1104), "se cantonnerent dans une sorte de conservatisme outre." SCHMITZ, O.S.B., article Benedictin (Ordre) in D.H.G.E. VII (1934).

644 Ad Decorem ecclesiae, May 13, 1339. COCQUELINES, ib., 264-86

645 November 28, 1336. COCQUELINES, pp. 242-258

646 This is possibly one of the laws of Benedict XII that brought the criticism that the pope had turned the monasteries into jails

647 Studied them, says the bull, either in the Studia Generalia of the order or in one of the following convents, viz. Rouen, Reims Metz, Bruges, London, York, Norwich, Newcastle, Stamford, Coventry, Oxford Bourgos, Narbonne, Marsoilles, Aix Grosswardein, Prague, Pisa, Erfurt, Rimini, Todi. The bull goes on to say -- a somewhat rare papal direction in this age when chaos is beginning to descend on the schools -- Predicti vero magistri, lectores et baccalaureati legentes Theologiam dictis philosophorum non multum insistant, sed quae theologice possunt tractari pertractant theologice, et dictis communibus antiquorum et approbatorum doctorum. . . se conforment.

648 Benedict died April 25, 1342; Clement VI was elected May 7

649 MOLLAT, Papes, 82

650 ". . . regime de cocagne auquel avait si agreablement preside le grand seigneur limousin." DUFOURCQ VII 142

651 To whom he lent 600,000 florins in the five years 1345-135 MOLLAT, op. cit., 84

652 Article Papes d'Avignon in D.A.F.C. III (1916) 1551: this article (cols. 1534-63) is an admirably documented piece of work.

653 So MOLLAT, Papes, p. 415. In the article cited in the last note the same author writes (col. 1555), "True indeed the court of Clement VI was one of the most brilliant in fourteenth-century Europe. It was the rendezvous of innumerable nobles, and enlivened by feasts, balls and tournaments. Ladies were to be seen there too. We meet their names in the account books of the papal exchequer under the rubric, ' Ladies of the pope's family. ' They were perhaps more numerous during the reign of Clement VI because this pope had a great number of sisters-in-law, nieces cousins, and womenfolk related by marriage (cf. the genealogy of the Roger family in the new edition of BALUZE, Vitae Paparurn Avignoniensium, Paris, 1916). We know also that Cecile, Countess of Urzel and, from 1346, Viscountess de Turenne, had a great deal of influence with Clement VI. . . . Her haughty temper cannot but have earned for her the hate of the courtiers. All this gave credit to the malevolent rumours that circulated against the virtue of the pope."

654 The classic dossier for the damage done in France is Denifle's La desolation des eglises, monasteres et hopitaux en France pendant la guerre de Cent Ans. Paris, 1899

655 The only general survey is still Cardinal Gasquet's The Black Death (1908), the reprint of a book first published in 1893

656 Si et in quantum scriptura huiusmodi de iure procederet

657 He had been a very celebrated teacher of Law at the University of Toulouse, and then a high official of the French king, before ecclesiastical honours descended on him: Bishop of Noyon, 1338; of Clermont, 1340; cardinal, 1342

658 "Pope Innocent," she declared in her Revelations, "more abominable than Jewish usurers, a greater traitor than Judas, more cruel than Pilate. . . has been cast into hell like a weighty stone. . . . His cardinals have been consumed by the very fire that devoured Sodom." Revelationes, Bk. IV, c. 136, quoted MOLLAT, Papes, 94. Around this book of St. Bridget's Revelations (English Translation, 1873) there has been a world of discussion ever since it was first published. The latest writer -- p. Debognie, C. SS. R. -- concludes his long and careful study in the D.H.G.E.t.X (1937), by saying, "Incontestable as is the heroic virtue of the saint, which the Church has recognised, one cannot escape the impression that Bridget intermixed with the gifts she received from heaven a great part of her own burning imagination." op. cit., col. 737.

659 1334-1362

660 Libido dominandi St. Bernard styles it, warning his disciple Pope Eugene m against the insidious temptation

661 December 1317.

662 cf. supra, p. 137

663 John of Lwcemburg, son of the Emperor Henry VII (1308-1313); killed sixteen years after this at Crecy, fighting against the English

664 cf. supra, p. 25

665 MOLLAT, op. cit., p. 142.

666 cf. supra, p 167

667 cf. J. WURM, Cardinal Albornoz der zweite Begrunder des Rirchenstaates, Paderborn, 1892

668.e. of St. Peter.

669 Until Pius VII abrogated them in 1816

670 For this cf. infra, pp. 342-3

671 September 12, 1362

672 cf. supra, pp. 166-7.

673 MOLLAT, op. cit., p. 110 and note 3

674 The saint's words to Urban's successor, as recorded by Bl. Raymund of Capua, her director and biographer; cf. Acta Sanctorurn of the Bollandists, April, t. III, p 891

675 He was buried, temporarily, in the Franciscan church of that city -- but in 1371 in the cathedral of his see, Toledo. cf. MOLLAT, Albornoz in D. H. G. E. I (1912)

676 Urban V was beatified by Pius IX in 1870 -- the last pope to be so honoured.

677 Revelationes S. Birgittae IV, 139, 140; translation from GARDNER, St. Catherine of Siena p. 102.

678 " Manfully " is the word ever on the lips of St. Catherine of Siena, too, when she is exhorting Gregory XI.

679 GARDNER, op. cit., 103-5, abridged and slightly modified: text is same as in previous note

680 July 23

681 GARDINER op. cit., 105: Revelationes IV, 143.

682 GARDNER, 106

683 Ib., 110

684 Ib., 179.

685 Ib., 177.

686 So Blessed Rayrnund of Capua, her director, later Master- General of the Dominicans and a great reformer

687 More and more does the study of Langland appear as a main key to the understanding of this critical age. He sees it as a man, and as a man theologically instructed -- nor does his passionate concern for the fortunes of Christ's gospel ever distort his sense of proportion, any more than it impairs the orthodoxy of his belief. There is no better introduction to this most important witness than Mr. Christopher Dawson's essay, Piers Plowman, in Medieval Religion (1934) and for those making their first acquaintance with the great poem, the alliterative modern verse rendering by Henry W. Wells, The Vision of Piers Plowman (1935); see also R. W. CHAMBERS Man's Immortal Mind.

688 The evidence of the art of the period is a question too specialised (and too elaborate) for me to discuss it here in the summary fashion of this section of the book. A very useful introduction is provided in the lectures of Louis Gillet given at the Institut Catholique of Paris and published (1939) as L'histoire artistique des Ordres Mendiants; cf. also L. BREHIER, L'Art Chretienne

689 Canonisation is " the final and definitive sentence of the pope by which a servant of God is declared to have been received into the Church Triurnphant and is set forth for the veneration of the whole Church. " (PESCH, Praelectiones Theologicae I, 547.) " Is set forth ": that is to say, " all Catholics are bound to accept the personage as undoubtedly a saint, i.e. as someone worthy of a public cult " so Benedict XIV, De Servorum Dei Peatificatione et Canonizatione 1, 38, 14-15, quoted PESCH, ib. it is in the final and definitive character of the sentence, and in the universality of the cult commanded to be rendered, that canonisation differs from beatification. (Benedict XIV, op. cit., I, 39, 14 in PESCH, ib.)

690 cf. the well-known book of DR. JAMES WALSH, The Thirteenth, Greatest of Centuries

691 The word " saints " printed in inverted commas indicates a personage canonised or beatified; the word is not used to make or suggest or anticipate any judgment of the Church about these beatified personages

692 B. Urban V.

693 St. Andrew Corsini and St. Peter Thomas

694 The lay brother, B. Thomas Corsini

695 Five Dominicans, three Franciscans, three Augustinians

696 In the period 1049-1270 there are no fewer than seventy-four bishops subsequently canonised, 1270-1370 four of the bishops canonised, 1370-1520 three

697 cf. LOUIS GILLET Histoire Artistique des Ordres Mendiants, Paris, 1939, pp. 34-61, Les eglises des Mendiants

698 He later became a Carthusian, and it is as Ludolf the Carthusian that he is best known; he died in the charterhouse of Strasburg, 1370; for a description of his work cf. POURRAT II, pp. 485-8; it was his life of Our Lord which, 150 years later, played such a part in the conversion of St. Ignatius Loyola: for the role of the Dominicans as producers of all manner of auxiliary religious literature cf. Vol. II of this work, ch. IX, §II.

699 cf. DEBOGNIE C. SS. R., in D. H. G. E., t. X (1937), 727 and following

700 cf. LOUIS CHARDON, O.P.: " Je ne sais qu'une theologie, la circonstance de la rendre affective ne detruit pas sa nature: elle la perfectionne. La connaissance de Dieu sans la charite n'a pas de vie; l'amour est son centre. Sans la dilection elle est hors de son ordre. Par ce moyen, je ne separe pas la theologie scolastique d'avec la mystique; elles seront les deux hommes de l'embleme: celle-ci servira de pieds et de bras pour atteindre et pour embrasser le bien que celle-la decouvre de ses yeux et ou elle sert de guide, sans quoi elle ne saurait eviter de tomber dans les precipices de l'erreur." La Croix de Jesus (1647). Preface, edition of 1937, p. 9.

701 La Spiritualite Chretienne (ed. Paris, 1928), Vol. II, pp. 260-492: there is an English translation, London, 1924. This is perhaps the place to note a specialist's remark about " la connexion des problemes dans l'etude trop incomplete de la mystique aux XIV et XV siecles." VIGNAUX, op. cit., p. 183 (italics mine).

702 cf. the warning hint of Albert Dufourcq: " L'histoire de la vie interieure n'est encore que grossierement ebauchee." L'Avenir du Christianisme (4th ed., 1925), Vol. VII, p. 208, note B. For those who already know all the main facts of Church History there is perhaps no more stimulating work than this -- a production of genius

703 " He was probably the greatest popular preacher that has ever appeared in the Low Countries," great and popular by " the capacity for speaking directly to each individual in his congregation." JACOB, Essays, Ch. VII, The Brethren of the Common Life, p. 122, q.v.

704 " If he shall not lose his reward," wrote Thomas a Kempis, " who gives a cup of cold water to his thirsty neighbour, what will not be the reward of those who, by putting good books into the hands of those neighbours, open to them the fountains of life eternal? Blessed are the hands of such transcribers." Quoted JACOB, op. cit., p. 152.

705 Near Cologne.

706 ". . . a cogent simple latinity of personal reflection." JACOB op. cit., 148. For the Imitation cf. JACOB op. cit., 139-54 and POURRAT II, 389-401, 455-80

707 cf. POURRAT II, 461, discussing the characteristics of the Devotio Moderna. " Ce qu'on ne trouve presque jamais, ce sont des considerations, purement doctrinales "; and also (ib. 503): " Ce que la piete desirait alors, c'etait moins d'etre eclairee que d'etre emue."

708 We should bear in mind the title under which the four little books we know as the Imitation first appeared together, viz. Admonitiones ad spiritualem vitam utiles. Our name for it derives from the title of the first chapter of the first of the books

709 " Au seuil de toute etude de la mystique a cette epoque, l'historien se heurte a Maitre Eckhart comme a un probleme." VIGNAUX, op. cit., 177. He was born at Hochheim, near Gotha, about 1260; possibly a pupil of St. Albert the Great, taught at Paris 1300-1302; then returned to Germany, where he had a great career as a preacher and as lecturer in the University of Cologne. It was in 1326 that he appeared before the Bishop of Cologne to answer charges against his teaching. He appealed to the pope but died (1327) before the appeal was judged

710 The twenty-eight propositions condemned are in DENZINGER, nos. 501-529. VIGNAUX, op. cit., pp. 177-8, says that as yet no complete study of Eckhart is possible. His Latin works are now in course of publication, but as yet hardly studied and a great part of his main work, Opus Tripartitum, is lost.

711 By Pourrat for example

712 Quoted POURRAT II, 384.

713 JACOB, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, p. 141

714 JACOB op. cit., 129.

715 POURRAT III, 22-4

716 Wessel quoted in JACOB, op. cit., 131. Luther was later to say of Wessel, " If I had read his works earlier my enemies might think that Luther had absorbed everything from Wessel, his spirit is so in accord with mine." Ibid.

717 GILSON, Reason and Revelation p. 88.

718 NEWMAN, Apologia, Ch. I (p. 14 of standard edition).

719 cf. Summa Theologica 2-2ae, q. 188 a. 5. " Whether a religious order ought to be founded for the purpose of study? " St. Thomas here argues the usefulness of study to religious who are contemplatives: it enlightens their minds, he says, and it removes errors " which frequently happen in the contemplation of things divine to those who are ignorant of the Scriptures." If the order is one whose mission is to preach the need of study is evident. But to all kinds of orders study is a most valuable ascetic aid (ad id quod est omni religioni commune). The hard work of study tames the insubordination of the instinct of sex, it takes away the lust for riches and it is a means to learn obedience.

This is by far the more common Catholic teaching about the necessity for sacred learning. Like much else it was largely obscured in this age of general religious degeneration. To the share which clerical indifference to sacred learning had in the ultimate catastrophe, we have the interesting evidence of a Doctor of the Church who later, spent his life amid the ruins St. Francis de Sales, Bishop of Geneva. " Priests who occupy themselves with works that hinder them from study are like men who refuse their stomach the food it needs for nourishment. . . . Ignorance in priests is more to be feared than sin. . . knowledge in priests is the eighth sacrament of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and the Church's greatest misfortunes have come from this that the ark of knowledge has passed from the Levites into the keeping of others. If Geneva has wrought such terrible havoc among us, it is because, in our idleness we did no more than read our breviaries without any care to make ourselves more learned.". . . HAMON, Vie de S. Francois de Sales I, p. 499.

For the natural role of all knowledge in man's quest for the divine, cf. Thomas de Vio, Cardinal Cajetan, the great Master- General of the Order of Preachers, a contemporary of Erasmus. He was the first, and perhaps the greatest, of the commentators on the Summa Theologica, and he is reputed to have said that the Dominican who did not spend four hours a day in study was guilty of mortal sin. Cajetan, commenting on St. Thomas's teaching about the vice called Curiositas (2-2, q. 167 a. I), says, " For the knowledge of created reality constitutes, by its nature, a step in the ascent to the knowledge of God. And therefore he who desires to study the knowledge that is about creatures, desires by that very fact a step that leads to the knowledge of God: unless, by a perverted inclination, he scorns that tendency and embraces the negation of that relation to the knowledge of God which exists in the very step of knowing created reality."

720 Which remains a natural understanding even when perfected by the supernatural virtue of Faith, and the gifts of Understanding, Wisdom, Knowledge, and Counsel.

721 cf. ST. THOMAS, Summa Th. 2-2ae-8-6.

722 'The tradition of St. Thomas and the other scholastic doctors of the greater age survived in the great preachers of this time whom the Church has since canonised. The Dominican St. Vincent Ferrier (1350-1419), the Franciscan Observants St. Bernadine of Siena (1380-1444) and St. John Capistran (1385-1456), perhaps the three greatest popular preachers the Latin Church has ever known, were all accomplished theologians and their sermons show it. St. Vincent was also a writer, and his Treatise on the Spiritual Life is, roughly speaking, contemporary with the Imitation. Describing it, M. GORCE, O.P., " insists on its virility and clear-cut intellectuality in opposition to the faintly sentimental and feminine spirituality of the Imitation. . . . [St. Vincent] leaves no place for the nebulous, the fanciful. . .

He presupposes a clearly seen theology, an exact view of the realities of life, an inflexible vigour of thought "; cf. HENRI GHEON, St. Vincent Ferrier, London, 1939 p. 24. The contrast is greater still between this " approach " and that of the Theologia Germanica, a product of this same time and destined, in a later age, to play its part in the formation of Erasmus and of Luther.

723 I should like to quote here three modern scholars with rare special knowledge of this vitally important question. The first is Paul Vignaux, already quoted so often in these pages: " However speculative a thing theology may appear to be, it remains that it is the science of salvation." (La Pensee au Moyen Age, p. 200.) Gilson says: ". . . this is the place to note that when we come to the question where is the axis around which Christian thought revolves, it is not alone the heroes of the internal life who need to be consulted. Nay, it can be even dangerous to consult them without checking them by that Christian dogma to which they themselves refer, and which alone allows us to estimate in its true light the nature of their activity." (L'Esprit de la Philosophie medievale I, 112.) Finally M. J. Chenu, O.P.: " Theology treated as a dialectic, is only a wretched verbalism to escape which faith promptly runs for refuge to a ' pure perception.' The mystics of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries offer us the spectacle of such a distress. But that is the fault of theologians (not of Theology itself). . . . This fault, by an inevitable swing of the pendulum leads to that of the false mystics who despise concepts and formulas and sometimes pay a heavy price for throwing aside these poor instruments of human thought which remain indispensable even when God's revelation has taken place." (Revue des Sciences philosophiques et theologiques, 1935, p. 239.)

724 cf. GILSON, La Philosophie medievale, 270, and VIGNAUX, D.T.C. XI

725 As Luther will one day explicitly declare is, at times, the case, cf. DENIFLE-PAQUIER III 226-9.

726 Philosophice dicitur

727 Prologue to the Exigit Ordo Executionis; quoted VIGNAUX, 189

728 GILSON La Philosophie au Moyen Age, p. 275.

729 Not at all the same type as, for example, the Averroist Jean of Jandun, Marsiglio's philosophical guide, a secret infidel whose portrait Gilson draws vividly. " Every time, in his commentaries on Aristotle he reached one of those critical points where his philosophy was at variance with the conclusions of Christian theology, John never failed to restate his complete submission to religious orthodoxy, but he usually did it in a rather strange way. . . cracking some joke which makes it difficult for his readers to take seriously his most formal professions of faith. ' I do believe that this is true; but I cannot prove it. Good luck to those who can.' And again: 'I say that God can do that, but how I don't know, God knows '. . . ' Let it be added that creation very seldom happens -- there has never been but one and that was a very long time ago '." Gilson notes " the slight touch of Voltaire In Jean of Jandun's irony." GILSON, Reason and Revelation in the Middle Ages, pp. 61-3

730 DENZINGER, nos. 553-570; the condemnation takes note of Nicholas's provision of a way out of the impasse through faith, and styles it " a foxy excuse." GILSON, op. cit., p. 277.

731 In 1348

732 Gilson, La Philosophie au Moyen Age, p. 280; Vignaux's warning needs to be ever borne in mind, " There are too many gaps in our knowledge [of the fourteenth and fifteenth-century nominalist theologians] for it to be possible to mark with a really sure line the essential diversities among them." op. cit., 176, written 1939

733 GILSON, op. cit., 281; cf. also VIGNAUX, op. cit., 182. " Encore un nom celebre qui pose de nouvelles questions, mal etudiees: rapports du nominalisme et de la mystique. . . . Aux difficultes speculatives se trouvent lies dans ces esprits les problemes pratiques de reforme religieuse."

734 i.e. the mind brought the appointed way -- i.e. by knowledge - - towards the perfection its nature demands, towards the perfection which is its own divinely intended natural end

735 The lesson is " eternal "; cf. Gilson's great exposition of this theme, The Unity of Philosophical Experience. And what but this has been the history, in the nineteenth century, of English Protestantism's hold on the national life?

736 In his Commentary on the VIII Books of the Physics he writes: " The natural philosophy taught by Aristotle is erroneous, and it is insufficiently taught"; cf. VIGNAUX, op. cit., p. 193

737 Student of theology at Paris, 1348 -- Grand-Master of the College de Navarre, 1356 -- Master of Sacred Theology, 1362 -- Bishop of Lisieux, 1377 -- died, 1382 -- cf. ib., 193 and following pages, for description of this revolution among the physicists

738 Prague 1348, Vienna 1365, Heidelberg 1386, Cologne 1388, Erfurt 1393, Wurzburg 1403 Leipzig 1409, Rostock 1419, Louvain 1426

739 Griefswald 1456, Freiburg 1457, Basel 1460, Treves and Ingoldstadt 1472, Mainz and Tubingen 1477, Wittenberg 1502, Frankfort on the Oder 1506

740 The effect of John Wyclif is considered in Chapter IV

741 To Raymund of Capua; Legenda, quoted GARDNER, op. cit., 151.

742 The valuable testimony of the Dominican Archbishop of Florence, St. Antoninus, may be cited. He was born in 1389 -- ten years after the Schism had begun he lived to see it brought to an end, and to see the years of confused thinking among theologians and canonists that were its legacy. In his history of his own times he says, about the disputed point which of the two lines of popes was the true line, " There were many discussions about this matter -- and many books were written in defence of both sides. Through all the time that the division lasted both parts (or obediences) could count among their supporters men exceedingly learned, both in theology and canon law, and also men of most holy life and (what is more striking still) outstanding by the miracles they wrought; yet it was never possible so to decide the question that no doubts remained in the minds of the majority of men." Chronicorum III, tit. 22; quoted GARDNER, op. cit., 252

743 The best account is still GARDNER, op. cit., 252 and following. Dr. W. Ullman is about to publish a book on The Origins of the Great Schism.

744 Four were Italian, one Aragonese the rest -- eleven -- were French there were also seven cardinals who took no part in the election, i.e., the six left at Avignon in charge of the territory by Gregory XI, and the legate sent to the peace conference at Sarzana

745 The population of Rome in 1378 has been reckoned at 17,000; under Innocent III (1198-1216) it was 35.000; cf. PAPENCORDT Cola di Rienzo, pp. 14, 37.

746 It had, apparently, already been put forward in informal discussions before the conclave began: SALEMBER, 37, and GARDNER, 255-60.

747 Guillaume de la Voulte, O.S.B., Bishop of Marseilles, Philip de Rufinis, O.P. Bishop of Tivoli; and Stephen Palosius Bishop of Todi and the acting spiritual ruler of Rome as papal vicar. The first went over to the French side in 1378, the others stood by Urban, who created them cardinals in 1378 and 1385.

748 Acts viii, 20. The words of St. Peter to the father of simony.

749 cf. H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1055. This cardinal was a Benedictine, Bishop of Amiens since 1373, and cardinal since 1375

750 The fourth, the aged Tebaldeschi, was at this time seriously ill. He died at Rome, August 20 or September 9, 1378

751 Clement was no more than 36 years of age. The youthfulness of popes is one of the features of this age -- Gregory XI in 1370 was 42. Boniface IX in 1389, 34

752 GARDNER, pp. 243-4, 291

753 GARDNER, pp. 281-2, 312. Oct. 8, 1378

754 Ib., pp. 282-3, 313

755 Giovanna -- a many times married lady, one of the most notorious royal " promiscuists " of the Middle Ages, more than suspect of having murdered one of her husbands -- had no children. Charles was the husband of her nearest relative, her niece Margaret: he had also some claim in his own right, for he was the only descendant in the male line of the ancestor common to himself and Giovanna, Charles II of Naples -- through whom she inherited.

756 i.e., before the election of Clement VII

757 Had already written

758 They had previously acknowledged Urban and publicly proclaimed him.

759 The university was organised in four groups called " nations ": the French, Picard, English and German

760 This was the occasion of Peter d'Ailly's first appearance in the great affair -- a simple bachelor of theology -- charged to convey the university's demands to Clement VII

761 Upon which many doctors went over to Urban VI- H.-L. VI, pt. ii, p. 1118.

762 March 1, 1391

763 April 17, 1379

764 VALOIS, Schisme II, 416-17, H. -- L., op. cit., 1148, note

765 " L'Universite confondait desormais les deux papes dans une meme reprobation." VALOIS, ut sup.

766 For the years 1378-80, 1383-86 there is not a single document surviving of Urban VI, and we only possess any archives of Boniface IX for five out of the fourteen years of his reign i.e. 1389-94. All the accounts have disappeared and the greater part of the register of bulls

767 The story needs to be read in all its fullness to realise what legal expertise can achieve when the legist pushed to extremity is, at the same time, the acknowledged supreme ruler of his opponents; cf. VALOIS, Schisme III, pp. 213-22, or the resume in H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1238-40

768 Whence the protest of the Bishop of Le Puy against its authority, a council "in quo Ecclesia vel viri ecclesiastici non president," H.-L. XI (pt. 2), 1212

769 Louis, Duke of Orleans

770 The Dukes of Berry, Burgundy and Bourbon.

771 King Charles III, of Navarre

772 For the debates and the manoeuvres of this important council cf. VALOIS op. cit., III, 150-185, of which Dom Leclercq gives a very useful summary in H.-L. VI pt. ii, 1210-26

773 August 8

774 i.e. not merely until such time as Benedict had surrendered to the French crown

775 cf. H.-L. VI, pt. ii, page 1216 (quoting VALOIS, op. cit., III, page 159, note 3); Pierre Flurie, a Master of Theology, is of the opinion that the King of France has the power, and should use it, " par soy ou par autres, les deux contendans du papat bouter hors sans delay, le plus tost que bonnement faire se pourra, et faire que les cardinauls des deus contendans qui seront de ceste opinion assembles en certain lieu eslissent un tiers pape universel. . . et punir les autres comme scismatiques ". It is almost the very programme of Pisa.

776 LECLERCQ in H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1226.

777 H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1226. It was the votes of the lower clergy that turned the scale, the first victory of that turba whose will was to be such a power at Pisa (1409) Constance (1414-18) and Basel (1431-49).

778 As did King of Scotland

779 Leclercq in H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1259-60

780 Now 75 years old

781 This was Louis II of Naples; since May 1401 his state of Provence had returned to its obedience to Benedict

782 cf. VALOIS, Schisme III, 366. " One might well have thought that the days of 'the withdrawal of obedience' had returned."

783 E. VANSTEENBERGHE article, Boniface IX in D.H.G.E. IX (1937), 909-22

784 E. F. JACOB, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch (194.0), p. 28

785 "La pire reputation," says Vansteenberghe

786 VANSTEENBERGHE op. cit., 919

787 cf. infra. p. 304

788 Innocent VII to Florence, letter of February 1, 1405, in VALOIS op. cit., Vol. III, 388 n.

789 A theologian of the university, and one of the day's great orators. He had been a prominent figure now for years, since in 1392 he had written his Complainte de l'Eglise in the coming years he was to be a supporter of that Duke of Burgundy who had had Louis d'Orleans murdered, and to write an early theological justification of tyrannicide

790 "Le roi a autre habitude a son peuple que n'a le pape a l'Eglise. Le roi est seigneur de ses subgez, mais le pape n'est pas seigneur de l'Eglise, mais menistre. . . le pape est subget a l'Eglise, car il est par election et non par succession." H.-L. VII, pt. i, 1285 note; VALOIS, Schisme III, 430-431. cf. Nicholas of Cusa at Basel (1439) "libertas electionis est radix per quam omnis ordinata potestas constituitur. . . in populo omnes potestates tam spirituales in potentia latent quam etiam temporales. . ."

791 November 30, 1406

792 But this last obligation would cease if, through Benedict's fault, the union was not established within fifteen months.

793 The bishop's palace at Lucca

794 And a great part of the papal court went with them.

795 This murder was the prelude to years of civil war in France, the war which "let in" the English armies of Henry V

796 For all this cf. H.-L. VI pt. ii, 1345-7, or VALOIS, op. cit., III, 610-13.

797 May 21, 1408

798 One of these was a cardinal, Antoine de Challant.

799 cf. H.-L. VI, pt. ii, 1362-3. Six of Benedict XIII's cardinals signed the agreement (the other three remained loyal to him), and eight of Gregory XII's (two by proxy); for text of the pact cf. MANSI, t. XXVII, col. 140

800 ". . . deux tombereaux a ordures amenaient du Louvre. . . les messagers " to the pillory, and after the exhibition " les memes tombereaux les ramenerent au Louvre " H.-L. VI (pt. 2), 1351, or VALOIS, op. cit., III

801 cf. the Trinitarian Friar -- a doctor in theology -- saying " quod anum sordidissimae omasariae osculari mallet quam os Petri." Ibid

802 "Ce regime, quoi qu'on dise, sentait le provisoire." VALOIS, op. cit., IV (or in H,-L. VI (pt. 2), 1356), the whole story of this council should be read, in Valois, IV pp. 21-41 or, summarised from Valois, in H.-L., ut. sup. 1349-57

803 H.-L., VI (pt. 2), 1370-4. VALOIS, op. cit., IV, 47-53

804 8 archbishops, 33 bishops, 83 abbots, 4 generals of religious orders, proxies of 10 other bishops and of 40 abbots, of as many cathedral chapters, of four universities and 80 monasteries. H.-L. ib., 1371-2.

805 His rival Wenzel had recognised the council, not only as King of Bohemia, but also as emperor -- or rather as emperor-elect

806 Fixed to the doors of the cathedral

807 cf. the full text in H.-L. VII, pt. i, pp. 46-8. " Sancta et universalis synodus, universalem ecclesiam repraesentans. . . et pro tribunali sedens. . . [declarat]. . . omnia et singula crimina. . . fuisse vera et esse, atque notoria, ipsosque Angelum Corrarium et Petrum de Luna. . . schismaticos. . . nec non notorios hereticos. . . et ex dignitate etiam papali. . . fore ipso facto abiectos et privatos, ac etiam ab ecclesia praecisos; et nihilominus ipsos Petrum et Angelum et eorum utrumque per hanc sententiam definitivam in his scriptis privat, abiicit, praescindit. . "

808 C. Si papa dist. 40

809 C. Aliorum causa 9 q. 3.

810 cf. supra pp. 108-9

811 cf. supra p. 261

812 July 21, 1415. For d'Ailly and Ockham JACOB. Essays 93 quoting A. E. Roberts.

813 These last paragraphs are greatly indebted to an admirable series of articles by Fr. Joseph Lecler, S.J., in Etudes, October 1935

814 "Tous ces bons et utiles electeurs emportaient chacun pied ou aile" -- so the mordant wit of Dom Leclercq, H.-L. VII, pt. I, 60 n

815 June 26, 1409-May 3, 1410

816 12 October, 1409

817. For whom cf. infra, pp. 309-12

818 John XXIII created eighteen cardinals. Eight of them were Italians. Among the French were Peter d'Ailly, Bishop of Cambrai, and Guillaume Filastre, Dean of Reims. Two of the number were Englishmen, Robert Hallum. Bishop of Salisbury, and Thomas Longley, Bishop of Durham. (EUBEL I, 31-2.)

819 H -- L. VII, pt. I, pp. 93-4.

820 VALOIS, Schisme IV, 202-16

821 Perhaps only now since the publication of FINKE'S great work Acta Concilii Constanciensis (1896-1928) is it beginning to be possible to study it with any finality.

822 There were forty-five sessions in all, the first November 16, 1414, the last April 22, 1418 -- there was one session in 1414, nineteen in 1415, six in 1416, sixteen in 1417, three in 1418 -- the problem of John XXIII is resolved by May 29, 1415, that of Gregory XII by July 4, and that of John Hus by July 6 of the same year the council is thenceonward fairly free to consider reforms and to elect a new pope, and until he is elected (two years and nine months after the resignation of Gregory XII), the council is its own master -- Gregory XII's acknowledgment of the council gives it, for Catholics, whatever claim it has to be a General Council, and Martin V's ratification of its decrees gives them whatever claim these have on the acceptance of Catholics; in only the last four sessions (which alone the papacy controlled) is Constance regarded as an oecumenical council.

823 i.e. Patriarchs, archbishops and bishops.

824 The fifth

825 For the text cf. MANSI, XXVII, 590-591: cf. BETTENSON, 190 for the most important of them Sacrosancta (translation only).

826 It is interesting to notice that the sentence which recites the reasons for the deposition, makes no mention of heresy -- the only act of a pope for which, according to the general opinion of canonists hitherto, he must forfeit his authority. All that the sentence declares proved against him are the flight from the council -- described as a thing manifestly harmful to the peace of the Church -- his notorious simony, and his abominable life, both before and since his election, which last, it is declared has scandalised the whole Christian world

827 i.e. for the few weeks of 1378 that intervened between his election and his electors' repudiation of the election

828 The documentation can be found in MANSI, Vol. XXVII, cols. 730-46

829 Terrenas Affectiones, March 13, 1415, MANSI, XXXII, col. 733

830 Cum ad laudem of same date; ib. col. 733-4.

831 Remota tamen omnino dicti Balthassaris praesidentia et praesentia; MANSI, col. 733. The powers granted in the commission are stated to have reference to " congregationem ipsam, in quantum per dictam serenitatem regiam, et non Balthassarem, sese nuncupari facientem Joannem XXIII vocatum. . . " Gregory XII nowhere speaks of John XXIII's "obedience".

832 The schedule, Quia sanctissimus dominus noster: which begins by describing the assembly. . . celebris fama huius sanctae congregationis pro generali concilio Constantiensi. . . congregatae: the vital words are given Ego, Joannes. . . istud sacrum concilium generale convoco et omnia per ipsum agenda auctorizo et confirmo: MANSI, ib., col. 734

833 MANSI, ib. col. 735

834 Divina gratia dirigente dated from Rimini, March 10, 1415; MANSI, ib., col. 737

835 The schedule, Ego Carolus de Malatestes, MANSI, ib., col. 744

836 "Admittit, approbat et collaudet ", ib., col. 745

837 December 13, 1415

838 The thirty-seventh general session

839 Since 1059

840 All but two

841 For Robert Hallum, Bishop of Salisbury, cf. E. F. JACOB, Essays in the Conciliar Epoch (1943), Ch. IV, English Conciliar Activity 1395-1418, esp. pages 76-84

842 Fortieth session.

843 The new pope -- Cardinal Deacon of S. George in Velabro (the title given centuries later to John Henry Newman) -- was only a subdeacon: he was ordained deacon the day after his election, priest on the 13th and consecrated bishop on the 14th, on which day he also said his first mass. On the following Sunday November 21st, he was solemnly crowned in the courtyard of the palace of the B}shop of Constance.

844 cf. supra., pp. 159-68

845 This aspect of the council is treated in PAUL ARENDT, Die Predigten des Konstanzer Konzils (Freiburg-im-Breisgau, 1933).

846 Thirty-ninth session

847 The detail of this second decree of the thirty-ninth Session, Si vero, is also interesting as an accidental commentary on the double conclave of 1378. Should it ever again happen (the decree begins) that two or more act as pope, the General Council already convoked is to come together within one year of the day when the rival popes began to reign. To this council all those bound to attend General Councils must go without awaiting any formality of invitation, the emperor and the christian princes also, tamquam ad commune incendium extinguendum, for the love of Jesus Christ. Each of the contending popes must also, under pain of losing all his rights and claims, convoke the council within one month of the day when he hears his rival has assumed power, he must notify his rival of the council and cite him to appear before it, he must himself attend the council in person, and not depart from it until the schism is ended. Neither of the popes is to preside at the council, and from the moment it meets, the jurisdiction of both is suspended and none is to give either obedience. For elections said to be made through fear, special regulations are provided. The election if made through fear is null, and it cannot be validated by any later election, even though, when this second election takes place, the fear has ceased to exist. But the cardinals are not to proceed to any kind of second election (unless the one elected through fear has resigned or died) until the General Council has passed judgment on the first election. If the cardinals ignore this law any election they hold is void -- and both the man they elect, and the cardinals who take part in the election, lose for ever all rank and privileges and the right of ever being elected; those who obey a pope so elected are to be considered as fostering schism. Should the General Council decide against the election made through fear, and should the cardinals, in violation of the law, have made an invalid second election. it is the Council that must elect to the vacant see. The decree then sets out what, after an election made through fear, the cardinals may or must do -- as soon as they can move without danger to their lives they are to make their way to a safe place, and there publicly make known, on oath, and before witnesses of substantial character, the fear they allege as invalidating the election, and all the circumstances of the election, and they must cite to the next General Council (which must now meet within a year) the man whom they have elected. To this council all must go (as before) even though the man whom they elected pope through fear refuses to convoke it. Once the council meets, the elect is suspended from his office; in no case may he preside at the council, nor any obedience be given him. Heavy penalties are provided for all who transgress this law, and it is enacted that it is to be read anew at the end of every General Council.

848 For these cf. supra., pp. 165, 166

849 i.e. chiefly, the diocesan bishops

850 Per quoscumque pro Romanis Pontificibus se gerentes. Martin V, who had begun life as an adherent of the Roman line of popes, who had received his red hat from one of these (Innocent VII), had helped to elect another (Gregory XII), had then deserted the Roman line, and played his part in inaugurating the Pisan line, who had as a cardinal of the Pisan pope come to this council of Constance and, until the last moment of the eleventh hour, had stood by this Pisan pope (John XXIII) could understand, as well as any other man, that this first decree to be issued by the first pope of the newly restored unanimity must not risk a renewal of the divisions through any official attempt to distinguish between the legality of the three lines so lately contending; we may also note the still more careful reference in the opening sentence of the decree, which yet saves the position that somewhere, in all these forty years, there was a true and lawful pope, Attendentes, quod a tempore obitus felicis recordationis Gregorii papae XI (i.e. 1378) praedecessoris nostri, nonnulli Romani pontifices, aut pro Romnanis pontificibus se gerentes, et in suis diversis obedientis reputati. . .

851 i.e. as though they were thieves and in possession of stolen goods

852 With Germany (May 2, 1418 H.-L. VII, pt. i 536-549 for text) - - with Italy France and Spain, (same date, ib. 549-560); with England (July 12, 1418, ib., 560-565

853 cf. supra. p. 164: servitia communia is the name of the tax, one third of the assessed annual revenue of the see or abbey, paid to the papal treasury on appointment as bishop or abbot

854 i.e. By the death of the beneficiary while at the Roman Curia

855 Or eight in France, Italy, Spain.

856 Thirty years 'Twenty-five years

857 cf. supra, p. 164. This amount is printed in Eubel's great work at the head of the list of bishops for each see

858 An arrangement whereby a religious corporation -- a college or an abbey -- became the parish-priest and entitled to the revenues: such corporations were bound to provide a vicar, who worked the parish, to whom they paid out of the revenues a salary agreed by the bishop

859 Ad instar alterius indulgentiae

860 One last word about the English concordat, it included a special promise that the pope would not concede to abbots and minor prelates the privilege of using at mass the episcopal insignia such as the mitre and the sandals

861 "Y eut-il jamais pape a se trouver dans une situation plus embarasse et plus grave de perils. " G. MOLLAT art. MARTIN V in D. T. C. x (1928) c. 199, writing with Constance in his mind.

862 1369-1415

863 Rotuli Parliamentorum II, 337-40

864 Murdered in the Peasants' Revolt, 1381

865 For the text of the condemned propositions cf. GEE & HARDY, no. XXXVII; and BETTENSON 243-5

866 GEE & HARDY; no. XXXVI

867 cf. . also The Lollard Conclusions presented to Parliament in 1394. GEE & HARDY no. XLI, BETTENSON, 245-51

868 1402

869 The future Martin V.

870 Sub utraque specie

871 Battles of Saaz and Kuttenberg.

872 i.e. against the Roman direction

873 So called from their stronghold, Mount Tabor

874 Created cardinal Nov. 8, 1430

875 Archbishop Of Florence (1389-1459); cf. infra., p. 486.

876 Patriarch Of Venice (1380-1455)

877 cf. . infra., p. 319, note 4 from Valois

878 The bull Inter Cunctas, Feb. 22, 1418, cf. . DENZINGER, nos. 581-625, 627-689

879 H.-L. VII, Pt. 1, p. 592

880 But it got about, and Gerson wrote a reply to it (Quomodo et an liceat in causis fidei a Summo Pontifici appellare) Dialogus Apologeticus in Opera II, pp. 303-8, 390. cf. . H.-L. VII, pt. i p. 592 Gerson had wanted a decree that the canon of Constance about the supremacy of General Councils over the popes should be carved on the facade of every church.

881 The decree Frequens.

882 In 1423, at the age of ninety-five, lucid to the end and a model of legal consistency

883 13 April and 16 May, 1425

884 "Mesquins correctifs apportes a des maux immenses, " says Dom Leclercq. How far was Martin V interested in reforms? how far did he take seriously this Council of Pavia-Siena which he had summoned? Pastor (I, 238-40) judges the pope severely, as one who neglected his opportunities. Dom Leclercq is of the same mind, " The responsibility for this check to the reform schemes lies wholly upon Martin V, who was fully resolved to bring to nought all and any reform. . . . [Although so few came to the council] it only needed the pope, the cardinals and the curia to betake themselves to Siena and the world would have been convinced that this council was something more than a sham, and the Fathers would have come in immediately and in great numbers. " The council, he thinks, was never meant to succeed, and everyone knew this. H.-L. VII pt. i, p. t) 44. A letter written seven years later, in 1431, by Giuliano Cesarini, one of Martin V's favourite and most confidential assistants supports this view. The cardinal, urging Eugene IV to revoke his dissolution of the council at Basel, argues that if Basel is now dissolved, people will say " They tricked us at Siena: now they are at it again. " (cf. . H.-L. ib. p. 704).

885 For the position of a pope in such a regime as the legislators of Constance intended to establish cf. . Noel Valois, La France et le grand Schisme d'Occident, Vol. IV, 296-9. " What kind of a role in Christendom would henceforward be left for the wretched trustee of this impoverished sovereignty, whom a higher, if intermittent, authority could now, at fixed intervals, call to account?. . . What kind of initiative would the pope enjoy, what kind of freedom, before the host of opponents whom his least activity would now raise up once the appeal to a council was all that was needed to paralyse the papal decisions? "

886 The so-called capitulation.

887 Martin V had ruled the cardinals with a rod of iron, " He has so crushed all the cardinals that they say nothing in his presence except as he desires, and they turn red and pale when they speak in his hearing": the envoy of the Teutonic Knights in 1429 quoted Pastor, I, 263

888 cf. . supra. p. 315

889 August 14, 1431. cf. . supra. p. 315

890 Hefele notes the emperor's irritation against the legates when they refused to accept the insertion of a clause (in the Compactata) Salvis libertatibus et privilegiis regni Bohemiae; (H.-L. VII, pt. ii, 901).

891 Sesssion III, 29 April, 1432

892 Outside a definitely restricted zone

893 The Council's circular announcing the decrees of July 13, was not well received in England, where Convocation voted that the pope's translation of the Council was lawful; cf. . H.-L. VII (pt. ii), pages 812-3.

894 Session XIII, 11 September, 1433.

895 "Senza corte et senza cardinali, " PASTOR I 308 n. 2, quoting Niccolo della Tuccia

896 For the discussion about the implication of the pope's " surrender", cf. . H. -L

897 Also of Syriac, and Arabic and Chaldaic; Session 19, September 7, 1434. H.-L.

898 cf. . the Provincial Council of Paris six years earlier, declaring (canon 23) that the laity no longer consider fornication can be mortally sinful, so notoriously is it common among the clergy. H.-L. VII (pt. i), p. 652.

899 For text of these decrees cf. . SCHROEDER, 625, for translation of them id. 473.

900 Twenty-first General Session, June 9, 1435 H.-L. VII (pt. 2), 885-7

901 Eight other reform decrees were adopted in this session, all dealing with the scandalous inattention of canons and clerics during their conduct of the church offices.

902 Jan. 28, 1436. Traversari -- General of the order of Camaldoli -- was far and away the most competent of the little group to whom the pope gave his whole confidence. He was a man of saintly life, a most accomplished theologian and canonist (one of the earliest patrons of the revival of Greek letters in the West) and he was also a strong and tactful man of affairs. From the time he begins to influence Eugene IV, the pope's fortunes really improve.

903 H.-L. VII, pt. ii, 926. For a vivid description of the daily life of Basel during the Council cf. Dom H. Leclercq's long note ib., p. 848 and following pages.

904 Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, the future Pope Pius II.

905 May 7, 1437

906 Ceterum in communi de moribus, de pietate, de iustitia, de modestia cleri et populi nihil agebatur. . . . Non prohibita sumptuosa prandia, non famulatus laicalis non pecuniaria indicia, non multitudo ignorantium sacerdotum. Sola reformatio sancta videbatur, si Sedes apostolica nuda relinqueretur -- so Aeneas Sylvius, who saw it all.

907 "As regards the Eucharist, so closely associated with the Passion of Our Lord the ideas and practice of the Middle Ages present one of the most difficult problems of history. . . it is hard to understand how the thought of the Passion could so take possession of souls and yet not attract them to the Eucharist. Yet in medieval times, though we do sometimes find urgent invitations to Communion, on the whole its use was less frequent. St. Louis communicated six times in the year, while the Rule of the Poor Clares granted them seven Communions a year -- not more. It is inexplicable !" VERNET Mediaeval Spirituality, 96. cf. . also Benedict XII's regulations in the bulls reforming the Benedictines (Summi Magistri, (1336) COCQUELINES III ii 236) and Austin Canons (Ad Decorem, (1339) ib. 284). Monks who live in the monasteries are to say mass at least two or three times a week, those in non- conventual residences at least once a week; those not priests are to receive Holy Communion once a month. The canons are to say mass at least twice weekly if they live in a priory; if in a non- conventual place at least once weekly, if at the university for studies (in scholis) at least once a fortnight; the abbots and other superiors of this order are to say or to hear mass daily unless hindered by a reasonable cause; those not priests are to receive Holy Communion once a month.

908 Noel Valois in his Histoire de la Pragmatique Sanction de Bourges sous Charles VII, p. CXCII.

909 cf. supra, p. 330 n.

910 For the general neglect of these cf. infra, p. 481

911 i.e. in works such as this

912 Elected March 18, 1438

913 Registered by the Parlement, July 13, 1439. The assembly at Bourges, says Valois (op. cit., LXXXVII-LXXXVIII), " Was by no means what those of 1398 and 1406 were, something done in anger, the product of contempt carefully stirred up by the court or the university. . . [and the new system] restricted in a very striking way the means the pope possessed to intervene in French affairs, and it gave a wholly exaggerated development to the privileges of electoral bodies and ordinary collators of benefices. "

914 The difference was that the French law was meant as permanent -- the German proposed as a provisional arrangement only.

915 Session 36, as doctrina pia et consona cultui ecclesiastico, fidei Catholicae, rectae rationi, et Sacrae Scripturae

916 Louis Aleman, Archbishop of Arles, 1426-1450.

917 The ex-duke, in theory, for he had abdicated -- but he was still the actual ruler

918 H.-L. VII, pt. ii, p. 1076; for " Felix V " cf. . Mollat's article Amedee de Savoie in D. H. G. E. II, 1166-1174

919 H.-L. ib., 1078, quoting Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini

920 Elected 1440

921 He created twenty-five cardinals in the four years 1440-1444: for their names cf. . EUBEL II, 9-10

922 EUBEL II, 148; to Cologne the pope appointed Adolf, the 21- year-old son of the reigning Duke of Cleve, with the proviso that he should not be obliged to receive Holy Orders until in peaceful possession of his see

923 cf. his written instructions of July 22, 1446, to the legates, stating that " just as his predecessors had accepted and reverenced the canonically celebrated General Councils so he accepted and reverenced the General Council of Constance and that of Basel from its opening down to his translation of it, without, however, any prejudice to the right, dignity and pre-eminence of the holy apostolic see and of the authority committed to him, canonically seated therein, by Christ in the person of blessed Peter. " H.-L. VII, pt. ii, 1112-13, from RYNALDUS, Annales Eccles., anno 1446, 3.

924 February 17, 1448

925 For example Cologne was taxed at 10,000 florins, Trier at 7,000, Constance 2,500. H.-L. VII, pt. ii, p. 1136, note 3

926 He lived to enjoy it a bare eighteen months, for he died in his lonely retirement at Ripaille, January 7, 1451

927 Louis, who died in 1450, was beatified, by Clement VII, in 1527.

928 Created cardinal December 20, 1448; for the legation to Germany cf. . PASTOR, II 105-137 -- also, for Nicholas as scholar and thinker, infra. p. 456

929 It is no doubt a sign how tenuous the pope considered the new amity that the archbishops and the bishops were exempted from this legatine visitation. cf. . the bull in PASTOR II, App. no. 6.

930 Certainly the only German to be given the hat for his ecclesiastical worth. 2 Jan 13, 1431, in H.-L. VII (pt. ii), p. 702

931 The future emperor (1410-1437) and protector of the Councils of Constance and Basel

932 For the gradual expansion of the Turkish empire cf. . the maps at the end of the book.

933 Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pius II, 1458-64). Epist. CXXVII

934 For the details of which cf. H.-L. VII, pt. ii, 971-1012.

935 The council was now sitting at Florence, to which city the pope had transferred it (January 1439), partly because the plague had broken out at Ferrara, and partly for financial reasons

936 The Latin text of the decree in DENZINGER, nos. 691-4; both Latin and Greek texts in H.-L. VII, pt. ii, 1037-43

937 DENZINGER, nos. 691-4, for the text of the decrees: for those of Lyons II (the council of 1274) cf. id, nos. 460, 466

938 The second (and last recorded) Roman session took place in the Lateran, August 7, 1445; the date of translation to Rome is April 26, 1442

939 cf. . DENZINGER, nos. 695-702, for extracts from the bull Exultate Deo, November 22, 1440.

940 cf. . id, nos. 703-715, for extracts from the bull Cantate Domino, February 4, 1441

941 When, in 1870, the last General Council came to make its elaborate restatement of the Church's teaching about itself, it quoted and renewed the decree of Florence as the core and basis of the whole

942 Text in PASTOR II, 248-251

943 "A mere farce " says the English translator of Pastor, somewhat crudely, ib. 259.

944 The first was that encroachment of princes on ecclesiastical jurisdiction and property which is a main theme of all Church history

945 "Byzantinised" would be more exact, were the word permissible

946 The total number of cardinals was then twenty

947 PASTOR II, 325

948 He was born at Xativa, near Valencia, in Aragon, December 31, 1378. A lawyer of repute -- canonist and civilian -- he became private secretary to Alfonso V of Aragon (later King of Naples, too). It was his tactful diplomacy which induced Peter de Luna's successor -- Gil de Munoz, who called himself Clement VIII -- to submit to Martin V, who, for this service, named Alonso to the great see of Valencia (1428). He has his place in Spanish history as the reconciler of Aragon and Castile and he reorganised the administration of Naples once his master succeeded to that kingdom. To his credit he refused to go to Basel as Alfonso's representative, and finally he brought about the reconciliation of Alfonso and Rome, for which Eugene IV rewarded him with the cardinal's hat (1444). St. Antonino of Florence, his contemporary, speaks admiringly of his austere life as bishop and cardinal, his industry, his practical wisdom, and his honest impartiality.

949 For whom cf. . infra, p. 451

950 Philip, called " the Good " (1419-67)

951 Alfonso V of Aragon (1416-58), and I of Naples (1435-58).

952 For the story in detail cf. . PASTOR II, 393-401.

953 Where in July 1457, he gained the victory of Tomorniza, where the Turks lost 30,000 killed, it is said.

954 May 27, 1459 to January 19, 1460

955 Pius II to Frederick III

956 "You raise one difficulty after another, but only in order to prevent the war, " the pope wrote

957 PASTOR III, 91-3.

958 January 18, 1460; text in DENZINGER, no. 717; also BETTENSON, 190

959 It was, he said, the loss of the 30,000 ducats that customs duties in the Morea brought in, which had won the Venetians over to the war.

960 Treaty of Wiener-Neustadt, July 24, 1463

961 i.e. to the princes

962 There were twenty-seven cardinals in all, of whom twenty took part in the conclave

963 Where half the population was massacred, and thousands carried into slavery; the archbishop was sawn in two

964 PASTOR IV, 333-4

965 The Friar Minor John of Montecorvino was appointed first Archbishop of Pekin by Clement V, July 23, 1307; EUBEL I, sub. Cambalu p. 165

966 " Besoin maladif " says Guiraud

967 "The government of every Italian State considered it essential to appoint a chancellor of classical education who could write perfect and fluent Latin." GUTKIND, 226. " Proficiency in Latin [of this kind] became an essential accomplishment of the diplomatist" id., 225, this author recalls the supposed remark of one of the Visconti that the letters of the Florentine chancellor, Coluccio Salutati, did him more harm than the Florentine armies.

968 He was a canon-regular of the Augustinian house of St. Giorgio in Alga at Venice, another canon of which at this time was S. Lorenzo Giustiniani, later Patriarch of Venice (1451-55).

969 Whom Cosimo de' Medici largely "financed," to use Dr. Gutkind's word. op. cit., 225

970 i.e. until the election of the Dutch pope, Adrian VI, in 1522

971 For details cf. PASTOR II, 173-6

972 Born at Florence 1404 -- man of letters jurist, politician, philosopher, mathematician, architect, painter, poet, athlete, " the embodiment of all the aspirations of his time," a cleric (? a priest) and an official of the curia, upon whom benefices were heaped, two abbeys among them and a canonry of the cathedral of Florence; cf. GUIRAUD, 191-8.

973 The latest of whom was Benedict XV (ob. 1922) as the touching inscription on his lovely memorial in St. Peter's recalls -- Benedicto XV Bononia Sua

974 For which cf. PASTOR II, 173-6.

975 Manetti had already translated Aristotle's Ethics, and he used to say that the only passion of his life was the three works he had by heart, the Ethics, St. Paul's Epistle s, and St. Augustine's City of God.

976 KLIBANSKY 29

977 Preface to his translation of Xenocrates De Morte quoted in GUTKIND 245

978 Letter of M. Ficino in 1489, to Martin Prenninger, chancellor to the Bishop of Constance, in KLIBANSKY 45

979 GUTKIND 243-6.

980 For Marsiglio Ficino (cf. the letter cited) the path to the innermost wisdom lies through Plotinus; KLIBANSKY 46.

981 cf. TAYLOR A. E. Platonism and its Influence, p. 75 and foll

982 GILLET 191-2.

983 Which Eugene IV forbade to be read under pain of excommunication; GUIRAUD 297. " Poggio's works alone contain dirt enough to create a prejudice against the whole class -- and these ' Opera Pogii ' were just those most often printed. . ." BURCKHARDT Renaissance (1944) 163

984 "The whole Renaissance movement, its vices, its greatness, its successes, its breakdowns, is to be explained by this dominating idea, this exclusive pre-occupation with the beautiful. War, love, ambition, politics are all material for the work of the artist. It was now that men understood how a crime could be a fine thing. The notion of art as something absolute in its independence, the supreme value of form the ' indifference to content ' -- the idea, in a word, of beauty, with all that beauty possesses of the divine and all that it holds that is devilish; here was the substance of the genius of the Renaissance, here was the heritage it bequeathed to the world the eternal cause of its blinding fascination for the thought of mankind ever since." GILLET 203. And this came upon Christendom in an age when the religion of religious men had, for the most part, parted company with thought.

985 To the ambassadors then in Rome: cf. PASTOR IV, Appendix 20, 21

986 cf. St. Bernard De Consideratione ad Eugenium Papam, Bk. IV, ch. iii

987 A. DUFOURCQ (Vol. VII, pp. 224-335) from whom I borrow the phrase, applies it to the whole period 1447-1527.

988 Except Treviso, which he resigned on receiving Spoleto. No mention is made -- in all these references to pluralists -- of the monastic benefices which they also held for some of which cf. the notes in Eubel's great catalogue

989 cf. Map of Italy -- at the end of the book

990 From the Florentine frontier to the frontier with Ferrara was here only twenty-four miles

991 These Romagna towns are to be the centre around which a great deal of the history of the next forty years will turn (1473-1513).

992 Three weeks afterwards the corpse of Jacopo de' Pazzi was still being dragged round the streets; cf. PASTOR IV, 313.

993 Jan. 8, 1475; cf. PASTOR IV, 321

994 id. 324

995 July 28, 1480

996 December 3

997 Ferrante

998 Ut valida classis maritima instrueretur sine qua nullus bonus rerum sucessus vix sperari posset. . . . Sixtus IV to the Duke of Milan, April 3, 1483. PASTOR IV, 520.

999 More than any previous pope, except Urban VI, who, in 1378, having lost thewhole Sacred College at a blow, was obliged to create an entire new body.

1000 The four included one Frenchman, one Portuguese two Spaniards

1001 For details about the nationality of the cardinals 1270-1520 cf. Appendix II

1002 Three French, two Spaniards, a Genoese and Thomas Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury

1003 For the conclave cf. PASTOR V, 233-9, who thinks it undoubted that Innocent was elected through simony

1004 A son and a daughter, born before Battista Cybo was old enough to receive holy orders, while he was indeed yet in his teens

1005 Quoted CREIGHTON, Book V, ch. V, in fine. Giles, a contemporary, was later the General of his order. Leo X made him a cardinal in 1517

1006 No less than 45,000 ducats annually

1007 Between 1492 and 1555 there were ten changes of ruler in the papacy; there were two changes in the empire, there were three in France, there were three in England, there was one in Spain.

1008 "The pope's end ", says the English version of Pastor, " was that of a pious Christian

1009 PASTOR V. 385 " So old that he could scarcely speak or walk, his head never still so that he seemed always to be nodding assent," Infessura's Diary, 279

1010 Vol. V, pp. 378-89

1011 After Cesare had finished with it, the see was to pass to his cousin Juan, and after his death to yet another cousin Pedro Luis -- cardinals, both these, of Alexander's creation.

1012 Twelve years of age; marriage celebrated August 16, 1493, PASTOR V, 413

1013 The prior engagement (? marriage) was broken by a deed dated November 8, 1492 (Tomasini's INFESSURA, editor's note 5, p. 285, citing GRECOROVIUS Lucrezia Borgia doc. no. 7); marriage contract with Sforza signed February 2, 1493 (FERRARA p. 128), the marriage celebrated 12 June the same year

1014 January 27

1015 i.e. on August 31, 1492

1016 In 1494, while keeping this see, he was given the see of Ferrara, and the titular Patriarchate of Constantinople

1017 John Morton -- the second of his line to receive the red hat as Archbishop of Canterbury and to continue as its archbishop

1018 To whom, as a child of eleven, Innocent VIII had given the primatial see of Hungary. He was now fifteen

1019 Bishop of Melfi (1494), Archbishop of Capua (1496), Archbishop of Valencia (1498)

1020 Brother to Alfonso who had abdicated in 1495, and uncle to the deceased king Ferdinand 11, called Ferrantino -- uncle also, by marriage, to Cesare's brother Jofre.

1021 For all this cf. PASTOR V, 520-1 and CREIGHTON IV, 300

1022 i.e. Alfonso II, he who had abdicated in 1495

1023 Though not a priest he was in Holy Orders, a sub-deacon since March 26, 1494 PASTOR V, 417, note + quoting Burchard's Diarium II, 99

1024 April 5

1025 cf. PASTOR VI, 104-7

1026 On July 15, 1500, as Lucrezia's (second) husband Alfonso was returning from the Vatican, he was set upon by bravos in the Piazza before St. Peter's and, though he escaped death, was severely wounded. He was carried in to the palace and nursed there by his wife and his sister Sancia, the wife of Lucrezia's brother Jofre. Rightly or wrongly, Alfonso was convinced that Cesare was the author of the attempt on his life. Little more than a month later, on August 18, the sick man looking from his window saw Cesare walking in the garden below. Alfonso took his bow, and launched an arrow at him. But he missed his aim -- unfortunately for himself, for Cesare sent his guards and had him killed out of hand. Lucrezia's marriage to the Duke of Ferrara's heir -- Alfonso d'Este -- was arranged in September, 1501, the King of France compelling the duke to consent. The marriage took place, with great pomp, in the Vatican on December 30

1027 Treaty of Granada, November 11, 1500

1028 June 25, 1501

1029 cf. PASTOR VI, 128 for Michele

1030 Two of the thirteen created in 1500 were Borgias; a third was the young brother of Cesare's wife. There was also one of the Borgia clan among the nine created in 1503 -- i.e. Francesco Lloris. Another of the creation of 1503 was the Italian, Adrian de Castello, to whom, as a kind of king's agent in the curia, our own Henry VII had, in 1502, given the see of Hereford. In 1504 Adrian received the much more valuable see of Bath and Wells

1031 The Prince Ch. 7. The most melodramatic story in the Borgia legend is that of Alexander and Cesare being poisoned at a banquet by the viands they had prepared for others. For a survey of the whole circumstances of the pope's last illness and death cf. PASTOR VI, 131-137.

1032 For the slander in Gregorovius (repeated most uncritically -- strangely enough -- by CREIGHTON V, 65) cf. PASTOR VI, 199 note.

1033 It is surely significant testimony to the degree in which the most elementary pastoral ideals and principles of Church law had been by now obscured, that such a man as Pius III, universally acclaimed as pious and even holy, could remain for forty-three years Archbishop of Siena and never even receive priestly ordination

1034 Treaty of Blois, October 12.

1035 Siena, Florence, Mantua, Ferrara, Urbino

1036 cf. the quotation in CREIGHTON V, 106, note 2. Erasmus had been present at the entry into Bologna and has recorded his disgust at seeing the Vicar of Christ the central figure in the military display

1037 He died, May 25, 1510

1038 Where he arrived June 26, 1511.

1039 The future Pope Clement VII (1523-34)

1040 Cardinal Bernadin Carvajal, the president of the rebel council

1041 Which he had had to refuse -- the news of the archbishop's death being inexact. It was in compensation that the pope made him abbot of Monte Cassino

1042 Ludovico di Canossa

1043 He died January 23,1516

1044 Articles of peace signed at Viterbo, October 3, 1515, confirmed at Bologna December; for the Concordat cf. infra. pp. 446-50

1045 PASTOR VIII, 77

1046 id. ch. iii, Personality and Manner of Life of Leo X

1047 The republic of Siena lay wholly surrounded by the pope's two domains, Florence and the Papal State: cf. map of Italy.

1048 If trial it was

1049 Grimani, the Venetian (the patron of Erasmus), alone dissenting

1050 Equal to a third of the total annual revenue of the papacy.

1051 For the text of this extraordinary document cf. PASTOR Vol. 7, pp. 470-488. There are no fewer than 170 individual bondsmen, each for specified sums, 14 of them bishops, (pledged for 95,000 ducats in all), and also ten cardinals and the ambassadors of England, Spain, Portugal, France, the Emperor and Venice, pledging their sovereigns

1052 The full truth about the Petrucci conspiracy is not yet known. Contemporaries were not wanting who thought the whole thing a plot of the pope's to make money at a crisis where he was badly in need of vast sums. They linked it with the great creation of 31 new cardinals that took place in the closing stages of the tragedy and by means of which Leo X did undoubtedly make large sums. The questions raised are whether there really was a plot to murder the pope, and whether the pope believed in the reality of the plot. Creighton, it seems to me, would answer both questions with a negative. His account and Pastor's need to be carefully read together. Pastor's documentation is better -- sources are open to him to which Creighton never had access. But Pastor, at times, does not make use of the whole of the source which he and Creighton are using as their main authority. Let the reader compare their accounts of the consistory of June 8, 1517 (CREIGHTON V, pp. 283-9; PASTOR VII, p. 179) and compare Pastor's short extract from the source (VII, pp. 463-4), which gives no indication that it is not the whole of the entry, with the full passage in Creighton's Appendix pp. 316-19. I do not, by any means accept all of Creighton's comments, but the story of the plot, so far as it is known does not convince me that there was a murder plot. There is something as repulsive as it is inexplicable, about the pope's lightheartedness when, Petrucci strangled and the others horribly done to death, having secured the equivalent of more than half a year of his revenues from the other conspirators, he receives them back and restores their rank. The only one not ultimately restored was Adrian of Castello. Here Wolsey -- his enemy for many years -- was active. He desired the disgraced man's benefice, the rich see of Bath and Wells, and he secured it.

1053 Final session of the Council (Fifth Lateran) 12 March, execution of Petrucci July 4; Luther publishes his ninety-five theses October 31, of this same year, 1517.

1054 These were a kind of investment, interest being paid on the heavy sums demanded as fees. The 3,000,000 ducats bore an interest-charge of 328,000. cf. PASTOR VIII, 96-7

1055 An expert canonist, notorious for his avarice and for making money out of indulgences; also for the bad advice he gave the pope that all ways of raising money were lawful to him. For an instance of Leo's scruples, and his disregard of the cardinal's schemes cf. CREIGHTON VI, 211. As for " jubilees and indulgences . . . multiplied to excess . . . [and often] a mere financial jobbery," cf. PASTOR VII, 82 and VIII, 97 (who does not give particulars, however).

1056 DE LAGARDE, Recherches, 90

1057 Who will now at last, in this new age, be canonised -- 1582

1058 But cf. BARRACLOUGH Papal Provisions, 64. "The popes were only men: we must be on our guard against expecting them to be supermen."

1059 Celestine V is canonised not as a pope but as Peter de Murrone.

1060 Gregory X (1271-6), Innocent V (1276), Benedict XI (1303-4), Urban V (1362-70)

1061 cf. Leo X in the General Council of the Lateran (5th): Et cum cardinalis officiumin primis versetur in frequenti Romani Pontificis assistentia. . . statuimus ut omnes cardinales in Romana Curia resideant. Bull Supernae, 5 May, 1514.

1062 All the thirty-four but five, i.e. Gregory X (1271-76), Celestine V (1294), Clement V (1305-14), Urban V (1362-70), Urban VI (1378-89)

1063 Innocent V, 1276 (Peter of Tarentaise, O.P.); John XXI 1276-7 (Peter of Spain); Nicholas IV, 1288-92 (Jerome of Ascoli, O. Min.); Benedict XI, 1303-4 (Nicholas Boccasini, O.P.).

1064 The first pope from the mendicant orders for 170 years. Sixtus IV and the three other, later, Franciscan popes, Julius II, Sixtus V, and Clement XIV,; were from the Conventual branch of the order

1065 Alfonso of Portugal (whom, at the age of nine, Leo made a cardinal), and Ippolito d'Este of Ferrara. In 1530 the cardinal lean de Lorraine was allowed to resign Metz to a nephew of five, and Verdun to another aged nine

1066 For Germany cf. PASTOR VII, 293 and foll. and the sources there quoted; for France IMBART DE LA TOUR op. cit., As for the last point, it is the burden of all Pastor's volumes from 1513 onwards.

1067 But Barraclough's warning needs to be borne in mind. "Disorders in the fourteenth -- and fifteenth century church cannot be ascribed to any single group of causes, and any attempt to-day to saddle the whole responsibility on the papacy and its administration of benefices and finances is doomed to failure," Papal Provisions, 70.

1068 PASTOR I, 388 note

1069 'Not renounced by the government until the Lateran Treaties of 1929.

1070 i.e. in administration only. There is no question of a repudiation of the papal authority, or of a change in the age-long belief in its divine origin the whole system rests, indeed, upon the general acceptance of that authority. It is the authority of the pope that has created this novelty and that maintains it in being.

1071 Vol. II

1072 Brief of November 1, 1478 PASTOR IV, 399.

1073 Brief of January 29, 1482 id.

1074 Canonised by Pius IX in 1867

1075 PASTOR VI, 157

1076 A legist pure and simple and a layman; lately President of the Parlement de Paris and 52 years of age. In 1527 Clement VII made him a cardinal, in 1530 Legate a Latere and Archbishop of Sens; he died 1535, and at his funeral entered his cathedral for the first time -- yet another sample of the generality of episcopal careers at this time.

1077 The full text of the bull is in H-L VIII, pt. ii 528-32; HARDOUIN IX, 1826-31, as well as in the Bullarium. DENZINGER no. 740 prints the passage on the relation of the Pope to General Councils

1078 cf. IMBART DE LA TOUR II, 215-27; b. 446-84 for the Concordat

1079 Until St. Pius V began to call a halt

1080 Given more solemn form when read in the General Council of the Lateran, Feb. 16, 1513

1081 So PASTOR. VIII, note on p. 455.

1082 Jean Charlier, born at Gerson, a hamlet close to Rethel on the Aisne, 14 December 1363; pupil of Pierre d'Ailly, Chancellor of the University of Paris 1395, an Armagnac supporter in the civil war and responsible for the Council of Constance's decree against tyrannicide (the Armagnac leader had been murdered by the Burgundians, and Gerson exiled once the Burgundians were victorious).

1083 Text of the condemnation in DENZINGER, NOS. 471-478.

1084 For this cf. POURRAT II, 410-421.

1085 Not canonised as yet

1086 Whom Professor Taylor somewhat impatiently, but not unreasonably, describes as "fantastic."

1087 1410-1495. Ordained priest 1432 at Spires; M.A., Heidelberg, 1438, vicar-general to the Archbishop of Mainz, 1460 -- called to Rome by Pius 11, 1462 -- had a great name as a preacher, and all through his career in close contact with the Brothers of the Common Life. cf. article in D.H.G.E. VIII (1935), 1429-35, by M. Cappuyns, O.S.B.

1088 "Franc, systematise, et complete." CAPPUYNS, op. cit., c. 1433.

1089 cf. MANDONNET, O.P. D.T.C. VI (1920), col. 907.

1090 All who know PAUL VIGNAUX La Pensee au Moyen Age will realise that what follows could Not have been written but for the last en pages of that masterly book.

1091 Whatever is other than God is good because God has willed that other thing

1092 By the very fact that He it is that wills it, it comes to being well and rightly

1093 Ponit quod caritas non est aliquid creatum in anima, sed est ipse Spiritus Sanctus mentem inhabitans. Summa Theologica, 2a-2ae, q. 23, a 2.

1094 i.e. Peter Lombard.

1095 Natures remain whole

1096 2nd edition Paris, 1517; 3rd and 4th at Basel, 1518; 5th Venice, 1519; 6th Basel, 1520.

1097 CHAMBERS, 132

1098 This, says Chambers, is "epoch-making," (p. 143).

1099 For St. Thomas More and his Utopia see, above all, R. W. CHAMBERS Thomas More (London 1935) esp. pp. 125-144, and 256-267: here summarised, not (I hope) unfaithfully.

1100 Though not published until 1532 it circulated in manuscript, cf. the story of Thomas Cromwell recommending Reginald Pole to study it, c. 1530.

1101 For Machiavelli's ideas on religion cf. the Discourses on Livy, Bk. I, ch. XII, and Bk. II, ch. II

1102 For a contemporary description of the disastrous effect of The Prince on English public life cf. Cardinal Pole's Apologia to Charles V (1536) in Quirini's edition of Pole's letters I, 133- 137, quoted in JANELLE, 247; and cf. ib., 246-250, for a picture of Henry VIII as " The Prince."

1103 For which cf. infra, pp. 478-9.

1104 Institutio principis christiani, March 1516: the prince is Erasmus' own sovereign, Charles, Duke of Burgundy, lately (January 1516) become King of Spain and soon to become Emperor.

1105 cf. MESNARD 86-7: Comment comprendre alors cette royaute spirituelle, cette absolue suprematie que cet ecrivain isole, ce moine pauvre et vagabond a neanmoins exercee sur son siecle? L'histoire nous jette comme un defi l'influence la plus considerable qu'homme de lettres ait jamais exercee en Europe, et dont Voltaire meme n'a connu qu'un reflet affaibli. Il faut bien, pour l'expliquer, admettre que cet homme apporte a l'opinion du temps autre chose que critiques et qu'incertitudes, et qu'il y a dans son bagage une oeuvre et une idee."

1106 "Cette conscience active et tourmentee, creatrice d'elans et de savoir." MESNARD 86

1107 The positive side of Erasmus's teaching is to be found in works nowadays by no means so famous -- nor so often translated -- as the Colloquies and the Praise of Folly but which served in his own time as spiritual reading for thousands, e.g. the Enchiridion Militis Christiani (The Christian Soldier's Handbook), the De Contemptu Mundi (On Contempt of Worldliness) and, above all, the De Preparatione ad Mortem (Preparing oneself for Death). The last book had a vogue only equalled by the Imitation of Christ. The criticism of devotional abuses which is never wholly absent from any of these works -- and how could it be, granted the scale of some of the abuses and the generality of all -- told in the end, in later times, against them. It is less than doubtful whether, at the moment they were written, and in the generation for which they were written, these denunciations gave the kind of scandal which a modern pious reader might take from them. There were gross superstitions; there was a danger of people thinking that fidelity to certain practices ensured salvation; there were bad priests and bad monks and bad monasteries, and the faithful had to be warned about these dangers. Nothing, perhaps, better illustrates the practice of that very different world than a sermon (reported in Professor Jacob's Essays in the Conciliar Epoch, p. 136) preached to a congregation of schoolboys, pupils of one of the most famous of the schools directed by the Brothers of the Common Life at Deventer in 1460, by the most celebrated Franciscan missionary of the day, John Brugmann, in which he begs the boys, before they make up their minds to become religious, to consult the good Brothers for they know " which monasteries are good and which are bad ". Such sermons would be inconceivable in the post-Reformation years, with the convention operating against public mention of even the possibility of ecclesiastics doing wrong. In an age when saintly men could preach such sermons, and to boys, Erasmus cannot have been the scandal that he was to a later generation. On the place of Erasmus in the history of Catholic Spirituality cf. POURRAT III, 76-90.

1108 MANDONNET, O.P., in D.T.C. VI (1920), col. 907

1109 Sadolet also

1110 Ib. 911

1111 For the matters mentioned in this paragraph see the article Erasme by p. GODET in D.T.C. V (1913) -- the work of a scholar to whom the personality of Erasmus is far from congenial.

1112 For a discussion of those weaknesses in the work of Erasmus which -- perhaps unfairly -- have kept him from any great place in Catholic estimation cf. MANDONNET and GODET as quoted; but, the words of M. J. CONGAR, O.P. (CAJETAN, p. 23, note 69) should be carefully noted. " The question of humanist theology and of its opposition to scholastic theology has not yet been dealt with in a way that is wholly satisfactory, despite the work of A. HUMBERT (Les Origines de la theologie moderne, Vol. I, La Renaissance del'antiquite chretienne, Paris 1911) CH. GOERUNG (La theologie d'apres Erasme et Luther, Paris 1913), p. POLMAN (L'element historique dans la controversie religieuse du XVIme siecle, Gembloux 1932."

1113 M. J. CONGAR, O.P., in CAJETAN, p. 21

1114 To this period belongs his first work, the commentary on the De Ente et Essentia of St. Thomas

1115 Some of his court sermons survive: On the Power of Prayer preached before Alexander VI and On the Origin of Evil, also before the same pope; On the Immortality of the Soul before Julius II.

1116 Cajetan s own words; CAJETAN, p. 9, simul insisteremus

1117 Whence the important treatise De Comparatione authoritatis Papae et Concilii. Rome, 1511.

1118 cf. the address delivered at the 2nd Session of the council, May 17, 1512 -- also his words to Adrian VI (Dedication of the Commentary on the Tertia Pars of the Summa, 1522 -- Rome 1903), where the Church is described as turpissimis moribus foedata, bonis spiritualibus destituta, ignorantiae tenebris obsessa, and the wickedness of Catholics is said to be a scandal to the very Turks, the wickedness of priests especially. Five years later came the terrible sack of Rome, in which Cajetan suffered with the rest. "And now we, also, the prelates of the Roman Church, are going through this experience, given over to theft and plunder and captivity, not at the hands of infidels but of Catholics, and this by the most just sentence of God. For we who should have been the salt of the earth, have decayed until we are good for nothing beyond outward ceremonials, and external good fortune. . . . " So he wrote, commenting the text in St. Matthew: "If the salt lose its savour. . . it is good for nothing any more but. . . to be trodden of men."

1119 On July 1, 1517, one of the thirty-one then created. Cajetan's own words of thanks for the great honour say much, in what they do not say, about the ways in which the cardinalate usually came to be given. He thanks the pope and expresses his astonishment that " You called me into the ranks of the Sacred College, not as a favour to the intervention of another, nor in answer to another's petition, and not moved thereto by any benefits I could confer. . . . Of your own spontaneous volition you gave it to me, who did not seek for it, who did not expect it, who had scarcely given it a thought." (Cajetan to Leo X Dedication of the Commentary on the Secunda Secundae; Rome edition, 1895.) This is very like St. John Fisher's account of his own surprising appointment to the see of Rochester, fourteen years before.

1120 Briefs of August 23 and September 11,1518.

1121 M. J. CONGAR, O.P., in CAJETAN, p. 21

1122 His career did not end with the tragic legation to Germany -- he took part in the Roman discussions in which Luther's condemnation, the bull Exsurge Domine, was prepared, and it was largely his strength that brought the vacillating Leo X to the decisive act; it was Cajetan again who brought before the conclave of 1522 the name of Adrian of Utrecht; it was Cajetan who in the end brought the timorous Clement VII to his duty of giving judgment in the marriage suit of Henry VIII and Katherine of Aragon in 1534; Cajetan's standing with his brethren in the college of cardinals was now high indeed; had he lived but a few months more, not Alessandro Farnese but Thomas de Vio might have been pope; but all this is history later than this volume knows it. Cajetan died August 10, 1534.

1123 Prima Pars, 1507; Prima Secundae, 1511; Secunda Secundae, 1517; Tertia Pars, 1522

1124 MANDONNET, O.P., article Cajetan in D.T.C. II, col. 1313- 1321.

1125 cf. ALLGEIER in CAJETAN p. 414

1126 1402-1471. His works (forty-five volumes) have been reprinted in our own time (1896-).

1127 J. MAYER, Cajetan Moraliste, ib. 344, 352

1128 cf. CAJETAN, 354, which quotes from Erasmus Epist. lib I, fol. 5 of t. III in the Basel edition of 1540. The work so highly praised for its learning and its tone -- in totum abstinens a personis, a conviciis omnibus temperans, nudis argumentis et auctorum testimoniis rem agens, non minore cura, quam ingenio -- is Cajetan's De divina institutione pontificatus Romani Pontificis published in 1521 at Rome and reprinted that same year at Milan also and Cologne: Opus Classicum for its subject -- so Hurter -- and of which a critical edition was published by Fr. Lauchert at Munster in 1925

1129 Who was, also, a friend and disciple of Erasmus; cf. MESNARD, 455

1130 MAYER makes an interesting claim for Cajetan as a pioneer. " Je ne crois pas exagerer en appelant Cajetan le precurseur de la psychologie morale moderne et de la reforme du code penal." Cajetan Moraliste in CAJETAN, p. 351

1131 Who shall say the difference made to history by St. Ignatius Loyola's decision that the Jesuits should be trained in the theology of St. Thomas?

1132 cf. supra, p. 421

1133 None was better placed than Cajetan to appreciate this aspect of the council's activity and the role of Leo X. The decree -- Pastor Aeternus -- so he tells the pope, is a fruit of the immense power of the papacy for good, and all will profit from it. Long experience had shown what serious disputes, dangerous to the Church, arose from the action of those who wickedly and arrogantly set the authority of the General Council above that of the pope. These dissensions -- experience also showed -- drew nourishment and support from the Pragmatic Sanction which, indeed, was a kind of perpetual schism. But Leo X had done away with the act of Bourges, and by abolishing the Pragmatic Sanction he had restored to the Apostolic See the fullness of its right: Pragmatica Sanctione extincta integrum Sedi Apostolicae ius suum restituisti (Cajetan to Leo X, Dedication of Commentary on Secunda Secundae, 1517; Rome, edition of 1895).

1134 Bull Apostolici Regiminis, Session VIII, December 19, 1513; text in SCHROEDER 639-1; translation ib. 487-8; DENZINGER, no. 738. Schroeder gives extracts only from these lengthy bulls; his English version (often only a good paraphrase) needs to be checked.

1135 Inter Solicitudines, May 4, 1515, Session X; text in SCHROEDER, 644, translation ib., 504

1136 Supernae Maiestatis Praesidio, December 19, 1516, Session XI; ib. 645 for text, 505 for translation

1137 May 5, 1515, Session IX; text in SCHROEDER, 631-9; translation ib., 488-98

1138 Discussion of the admitted inability of the popes to secure obedience to their disciplinary laws must take account of the fact that such ineffectiveness was characteristic of medieval life -- a time when the fact of legislation is far from being a proof of effective control, or that what the law intends was actually realised. Sir William Ashley's remark about the difficulties which beset the government of England in the fourteenth century may be quoted, as one of many similar judgments, that apply generally to medieval government. " For the parliamentary movement of the fourteenth century was premature: the increase in the quantity of legislation was certainly not accompanied by an equal increase in the control of local by central authorities." (Economic History and Theory, Pt. II, p. 9 edition of 1912). cf. also Dom Schmitz: "Or, l'impuissance de l'autorite, quelle qu'elle soit, est un fait general au Moyen Age," art. Benedictin (Ordre) in D.H.G.E. VII, c. 1109.

1139 Regimini Universalis Ecclesiae, May 4, 1515; text in SCHROEDER, 641-4; translation ib., 500-3.

1140 Dum intra mentis arcana, Session XI; text in SCHROEDER, 646- 9; translation ib., 506-9

1141 Aegidius Canisius (i.e. Giles of Viterbo).

1142 Cajetan, Master-General of the Dominicans, and at the heart of the struggle, says this explicitly: Tu tamen solus, Dedication to Leo X, etc., 1517, already quoted

1143 HOLWECK

1144 Franciscans 48 (7 canonised), Dominicans 31 (3 canonised), Augustinians 17 (3 canonised), Carmelites 12, Servites 7. Whence came the " non-friar " holy persons? Four from the older orders of the days before the friars; 13 belong to new orders founded since the close of the thirteenth century 6 are from the secular clergy; and there are 12 layfolk pure and simple (7 men and 5 women) a group which includes St. Thomas More and St., Joan of Arc

1145 The personnel of the Council was almost entirely Italian, and Italian bishops were attacking Italian religious, It is, then, interesting to note that of these 76 as many as 59 are Italians. This preponderance of Italians in the catalogue is characteristic of the saints who have lived since the close of the thirteenth century. For example, of the 150 personages already noticed who " flourished " between 1378 and 1521, 104 were Italians; and of the 130 who " flourished " between 1274 and 1378 (the first half of the period covered by this book) 97 were Italians. On the other hand in the central period of the Middle Ages (1049-1274) this was not the case. For this period I have at hand only the figures of those who were canonised. The total of these is 191 and the Italians number only 60.

1146 Sess, X May 4, 1515; for text cf. SCHROEDER 639-41, translation ib. 498-500.

1147 Born 1389

1148 TAWNEY, p. 25

1149 TAWNEY, 44. " Popes regularly employed the international banking houses of the day, with a singular indifference, as was frequently complained, to the morality of their business methods, took them under their special protection, and sometimes enforced the payment of debts by the threat of excommunication."

1150 GUTKIND, 177

1151 ib., 178, note 1, quoting Letter no. 8 of the Grunsweig edition -- Piero de' Medici and Partners to the Cardinal of York, dated 5 December 1448, from Bruges (!) via London.

1152 For an early example in the time of Boniface IX (1389-1404) that caused much scandal cf. supra. pp. 258-9.

1153 MESNARD, p. 11.

1154 For all this see DUFOURCQ VII, 274 and foll. The quotation is GILLET, 153.

1155 GASQUET, Eve of the Reformation, Ch. IX, gives an account of some English specimens of this literature.

1156 Of these " endowed pulpits " the best known, perhaps, are the Lady Margaret preacherships, founded in England by the mother of Henry VII, under the inspiration of her director St. John Fisher.

1157 PASTOR VIII, 178-9.

1158 PASTOR VIII, 178-9

1159 Ib., 179-82, quoting the Milanese, G. A. Prato, the Florentine, B. Cerretani, the Roman jurist, M. Salomoni and the Sienese, Tizio.

1160 cf. also Cajetan, already quoted supra p. 474 n. 4

1161 For the latest word cf. M. M. GORCE, O.P., in D.T.C. XIV art. Savonarole (1939), and compare this with the critical study of F. VERNET in D.A.F.C. t. IV.

1162 So VERNET, as cited, c. 1224

1163 To the emperor and to the kings of France, Spain, England and Hungary

1164 2 February 11 and 18, 1498.

1165 Two hundred in all.

1166 Benedict Paganozi, S.T.M. (bishop from 1485-1522)

1167 Who had, that morning, been allowed to receive Holy Communion

1168 DUFOURCQ VII, 316

1169 Since 1476 hardly a decade had gone by without a revolt among the peasants; TAWNEY, 81. Their condition was by no means so promising as in England, where that peculiarly Christian institution the English common law had, for generations now, been steadily abolishing serfdom. "But, while in England the customary tenant was shaking off the onerous obligations of villeinage, and appealing, not without success, to the royal courts to protect his title, his brother in south Germany, where serfdom was to last till the middle of the nineteenth century, found corvees redoubled, money-payments increased, and common rights curtailed, for the benefit of an impoverished noblesse, which saw in the exploitation of the peasant the only means of maintaining its social position in face of the rapidly growing wealth of the bourgeoisie, and which seized on the now fashionable Roman law as an instrument to give legal sanction to its harshest exactions "; the last italics are not in the original.

1170 TAWNEY notes how Germany, in the generation which saw the Reformation begin, was already the centre of a "swift rise of combinations controlling output and prices by the power of massed capital." p. 87.

1171 "The whole age is crying out that the rot is too universal and too deeply seated for it to be possible to root it out." Luther " codifies " this tendency, whence in part his success; so PAQUIER, art. Luther in D.T.C. IX (1926), c. 1217

1172 That is to say, some part of what in the sight of God had accrued from the generous goodness of the saints' response to God's grace the saints habitually, in their service of God, going far beyond what God strictly demands of them.

1173 "Temporal" punishment is punishment that will have an end, either in this world or in the world to come.

1174 PASTOR VII, 335.

1175 Session V, June 17, 1546, Reformation Decree, cap. 2 (at the end); Session XXV, Dec. 3 and 4, 1563: DENZINGER (no. 989) merely gives the dogmatic statement from the second of these.

1176 Population 2-3,000; the university was founded in 1502 -- the last but one to be founded before the Reformation -- by the Elector of Saxony, Frederick the Wise (1486-1525), Luther's future protector. It was the first university founded without a papal charter

1177 Appointed to Magdeburg -- and to Halberstadt -- Dec. 2, 1513, with a dispensation because below the required age: he was in his twenty-fourth year only. He was appointed to Mainz nine months later, Aug. 18, 1514, and on March 24, 1518 Leo X created him cardinal. (EUBEL III p. 232.) Later, that same year, Leo offered to make him legate for life for Germany -- a kind of vice-pope -- if he would vote for the pope's candidate as emperor (cf. supra, p. 433). The two sees of Magdeburg and Halberstadt remained from this time a kind of appanage in the house of Brandenburg; Albrecht in 1523 giving place to his cousin John Albrecht (aged twenty- three and merely a tonsured cleric), and he to Frederick in 1552 (subdeacon only, who died before consecration), and Frederick in 1553 to Sigismund, aged fifteen. We are now nearly forty years past the appearance of Luther, and Trent is half over. Eubel adds after the last entry Archiepiscopatus mox cessit. Sigismund, in fact, went over to Protestantism in 1561.

1178 It is notoriously impossible to give anything like exact equivalents of the purchasing power of money so far back: perhaps £500,000 would not be far out

1179 cf. TAWNEY, p. 79. " The Fuggers, thanks to judicious loans to Maximilian, had acquired enormous concessions of mineral property, farmed a large part of the receipts drawn by the Spanish Crown from its estates, held silver and quicksilver mines in Spain, and controlled banking and commercial businesses in Italy, and above all, at Antwerp. They advanced the money which made Albrecht of Brandenburg archbishop of Mainz; repaid themselves by sending their agent to accompany Tetzel on his campaign to raise money by indulgences and taking half the proceeds provided the funds with which Charles V bought the imperial crown, after an election conducted with the publicity of an auction and the morals of a gambling hell; browbeat him, when the debt was not paid, in the tone of a pawnbroker rating a necessitous client; and found the money with which Charles raised troops to fight the Protestants in 1552. The head of the firm built a church and endowed an almshouse for the aged poor in his native town of Augsburg. He died in the odour of sanctity, a good Catholic and a Count of the Empire, having seen his firm pay 54 per cent for the preceding sixteen years."

1180 cf. Map of the Empire

1181 So GRISAR p. 91

1182 For their text cf. WACE AND BUCHHEIM, also BETTENSON, 260- 268. KIDD prints, besides the Latin text of the theses, extracts from the Archbishop's instructions to the sub-commissaries who were to preach the indulgence, from Tetzel's instructions to the parish priests and from a specimen sermon written by Tetzel for the parish priests to preach; also Luther's letter of Oct. 31 to the Archbishop of Mainz, and extracts from his sermon on Indulgences and Grace preached that same day.

1183 For all this cf. PASTOR VII, 333-343; and cf. BETTENSON 257- 60, for the instructions of the Archbishop of Mainz to the indulgence preachers.

1184 GRISAR, 92 and PASTOR VII, 335 quoting PAULUS, Die Deutschen Dominikaner im Kampfe gegen Luther 1518-1563 (1903), p. 294. It also must be noted that the official instructions about this indulgence expressly stated that from the poor an alms was not expected -- their prayers would suffice.

1185 PASTOR ib., 349 quoting PAULUS ib.

1186 "There is no doubt that his doctrine was virtually that of the drastic proverb 'As soon as the money in the coffer rings, the soul from purgatory's fire springs'," PASTOR VII, 349 and GRISAR, 92. Pastor notes that there is no warrant for such a theory in the bull conceding the indulgences, and that contemporary theologians criticised bitterly the exaggerations of popular preachers on this subject. The difference between such popular preaching and the official teaching of the Church is yet another instance showing to what an extent Catholic life was by this time, " out of hand ". As for the phrase quoted by Pastor, it actually figures as the twenty-seventh of Luther's theses.

1187 cf. TAWNEY, p. 66. " The religious revolution of the age came on a world heaving with the vastest economic crisis that Europe had experienced since the fall of Rome."

1188 November 11-12, 1483, at Eisleben in Saxony.

1189 HARTMANN GRISAR, S.J., op. cit., p. 39: this section of the chapter is largely

based on pp. 1--12

1190 Few things, it seems to me, more powerfully suggest the world of difference between the now and the then of ecclesiastical life than these details of Luther's career. To-day there would be between his reception and sacerdotal ordination two years of a novitiate, three years study of philosophy and four years of theology

1191 " Thinker " is hardly the word to describe Luther. He is of another type altogether. "I have a ready pen " he says himself "and a good memory. I do not express my thought; it flows " (quoted DE LAGRADE, Recherches p. 95 from ENDERS, Briefwechsel. II, 320). Tawney's comments on Luther as a social philosopher (op. cit., 88) have still wider application. " Luther's utterances on social morality are the occasional explosions of a capricious volcano, with only a rare flash of light amid the torrent of smoke and flame, and it is idle to scan them for a coherent and consistent doctrine. . . impetuous but ill-informed genius, dispensing with the cumbrous embarrassments of law and logic, to evolve a system of social ethics from the inspired heat of his own unsophisticated consciousness." The question Tawney asks (p. 99) is final. " Is emotion really an adequate substitute for reason, and rhetoric for law? "

1192 A delight to Luther, who called it a golden book and said he owed more to it than to any other book after the Bible and St. Augustine, because " of its complete indifference to speculative theology," GILSON, Reason and Revelation, p. 94: the same writer's comment is well worth repeating, " If the New Devotion [the Devotio Moderna] can be truly considered as having, if not caused, at least occasioned the Lutheran spirituality on the one hand, and the Christian humanism of Erasmus on the other. . . " ib. For a theologian's judgment that the work is orthodox -- and that Luther, publishing it, tampered with the text cf. PAQUIER, Luther in D.T.C. IX, 1259-74.

1193 GRISAR, p. 62: the letter, dated April 15, 1516, is addressed to his friend John Lang, prior of the Augustinian house at Erfurt

1194 " Il a ete le Rabelais de l'Allemagne." PAQUIER, art. Luther in D.T.C., IX, 1170.

1195 For this cf. MARITAIN in Three Reformers, p. 8-9; and GRISAR, op. cit., 62, 259, 290, 294, 356-8, 470, to the effect that Luther was never a drunkard nor an immoral man.

1196 GRISAR, 63.

1197 Gabriel Biel's lectures on Peter Lombard had recently (1501) been printed for the first time. It was " the great arsenal whence Luther drew his theological knowledge"; PAQUIER, art. Luther in D.T.C., IX, C. 1108.

1198 DENIFLE -- PAQUIER III, 202

1199 cf. Vignaux's study Justification et Predestination au 14me siecle, Paris, 1934

1200 Luther's theory that Original Sin is a radical corruption of human nature is the basis of all his theology, the source from which all that is destructive in Lutheranism derives (cf. PAQUIER, Luther in D.T.C. IX, 1209 and following,) the theory of "justification by faith alone" provides a way of escape from the abyss (ib. 1221); the theory of the enslaved human will is the crown of this last. Whence did Luther gain his theory of Original Sin? Here we approach the delicate -- and much discussed -- question of his study of St. Augustine, and of the line of theologians who professed to be the saint's theological offspring. From about 1510, Luther is more and more under the influence of these " Augustinisers " -- to call them Augustinians is to concede the point at issue. It is from Luther's study of them -- lectures non dirigees ou mal dirigees -- that, for PAQUIER, ib. D.T.C., 1190 (very valuable on all this), the Lutheran theory of justification emerges. The subject is still obscure.

1201 GILSON, Reason and Revelation, 93.

1202 DENZINGER, nos. 741-781, prints the Errores condemned in that bull, Exsurge Domine

1203 From the end of 1518. GRISAR, 108

1204 Luther's Lectures on Isaias (liii, 5) in Opera Exegetica Latina XXIII, (1861) p. 142; Weimar edition, (1902) XXV, 331, 7- 16. Luther, speaking of the hearer's personal sins says: "Dices enim peccata mea non sunt mea, quia non sunt in me, sed sunt aliena, Christi videlicet, non ergo me laedere poterunt. . . ." Then, "Non autem sum frustra in hoc loco verbosus, scio, quantum mihi profuerit. Neque est Christianismus aliud quam perpetuum huius loci exercitium, nempe sentire te non habere peccatum, quamvis peccaris, sed peccata tua in Christo haerere, qui est salvator in aeternum a peccato, morte et inferno, secundum illud Agnus Dei qui tollit peccata mundi."

1205 M. de Lagarde's words are timely, " La Reforme ne se definit pas, elle est diverse comme l'erreur. Dieu nous garde donc de toute formule definitive". Recherches p. 461

1206 Nor is any picture offered of Luther's character as it developed; we are here concerned only with the young friar thirty- four to thirty-seven years of age, his faith indeed already sapped but his character still largely supported by the Catholic discipline and habits.

1207 SOHM, who is not a Catholic; quoted in DE LAGARDE, ib. 63-4. The italics are not in the original text

1208 cf. Maritain's note on the heyday of the Lutheran libido in Three Reformers, pp. 183-6

1209 Translated, along with the ninety-five theses against indulgences, in First Principles of the Reformation, edited by Henry Wace, D.D., and C. A. Buchheim, Ph.D., London, 1883, for extracts from the first two cf. BETTENSON 269-276, 276-279

1210 WACE, op. cit., pp. 17-92. It is addressed to the nobles "in case it may please God to help His Church by means of the laity, inasmuch as the clergy whom this task rather befits, have become quite careless " so Luther (in WACE, 17

1211 MESNARD, 190-191

1212 WACE, op. cit., pp. 141-245

1213 WACE, op. cit., pp. 95-137

1214 i.e. in the Lutheran sense of confidence that one's sins are not held against one thanks to the imputation of the merits of Christ

1215 On the other hand the doctors of the Ockhamist school -- Ockham himself Durandus and Gabriel Biel, for example -- so exaggerated the power of good works as to obscure the role of grace: so POHLE, Justification, in Catholic Encyclopaedia VIII (1910) 573-8. It was this school which, to Luther, was Catholic doctrine, and he was now in full reaction against some of its most characteristic doctrines -- while others provided him with the very foundations of his new system. It is interesting to note how St. Thomas, in the article where he teaches the very opposite to Luther's first principle that grace is something wholly external to man's soul teaches also -- in dealing with an objection to what he is establishing -- the complete gratuitousness of the gift of grace. Man is justified, says St. Thomas, by being created according to grace: ". . . men are created according to grace, that is to say they are constituted in a new being from being nothing, i.e. not from their merits. . . " (Summa Theologica 1-2, 110,2 ad. 3.)

1216 Although, for Luther, man is wholly corrupt and incapable of any really good action

1217 Luther, in WACE, op. cit., 107.

1218 Paul Joachimsen in his introduction (p. xv) to Vol. VI of Luther's Ausgewahlte Werke (ed. Borcherdt, Munich, 1923) quoted MESNARD, p. 184.

1219 Luther to Melanchthon, Aug. 1, 1521, ENDERS, Luther's Briefwechsel III, 208; for which cf. MARITAIN, op. cit., 204 and foll.

1220 To the Nobility of Germany in WACE, op. cit., 78-9.

1221 Ib., 78. Luther continues: " My friend, I know of what I speak. I know Aristotle as well as you or men like you. I have read him with more understanding than St. Thomas or Duns Scotus; which I may say without arrogance, and can prove if need be." Ib., 79.

1222 D'Entreves' remark is worth much reflection: " The Reformation, it is said brings to fulfilment the work of Nominalism, in utterly destroying the hierarchical conception of the world, and supplanting reason by will as the foundation of ethics. Hence its insistence upon Scripture, the revealed law of God, as the sole rule of human action; hence its distrust of the whole mass of rational arguments embodied in the law of nature." op. cit., 94-5. As the " disillusioned" Nominalist theologian of the fourteenth century, Nicholas of Autrecourt, say, counselled reliance on Faith (i.e. the teaching of the Church) alone as the one source of certitude about the sole rule of human action, so the Reformer of the sixteenth century counselled reliance on Sacred Scripture only.

1223 I Tim i.9.

1224 Kulturstaat

1225 TAWNEY, p. 101. The words quoted are Luther's, in Von Kaufhandlung und Wucher, 1524, (Vol. XV, p. 302, of the Weimar edition of Luther's works).

1226 Obrigkeitstaat

1227 Dr LAGARDE, op. cit., p. 222. This author says, truly, that the surest way to distort history is through the desire to " annex ' it to the struggles of our own time. With this warning before me, I cannot, however, resist quoting from MESNARD, op. cit., (p. 235): " Les gendarmes ou les dragons de l'Obrigkeitstaat charges de persuader aux sujets la superiorite absolue des fins du Kulturstaat -- telle est la conclusion normale de la conception lutherienne."

1228 " Magis pendet ab imputatione Dei " says Luther, commenting the Epistle to the Romans "quam ab esse rei "; in DE LAGARDE, ib. 161; cf., also ib., 165.

1229 DE LAGARDE, op. cit., 185

1230 " Das Evangelion nichts widder die weltliche Recht leret": quoted DE LAGARDE ib., 186, note 3.

1231 DE LAGARDE, op. cit., 272 -- also MESNARD, 181. The sole constructive unity the Reformation brings is a political idea, a new conception of the State

1232 "Antithese vivante says DE LAGARDE, ib. 93

1233 DE LAGARDE, ib. 278.

1234 Membrum praecipuum -- the phrase is Melanchthon's. DE LAGARDE, ib. 342, quoting Corpus Reformatorum III, 244-251.

1235 SOHM, Kirchenrecht I, 542, quoted DE LAGARDE, ib. 304

1236 cf. DE LAGARDE, ib. 460.

1237 M. de Lagarde notes the paradox that the new subjection of Christian man to his fellows derives from the new doctrine of Original Sin. "The reformers, humbling themselves a l'exces before God, freely attribute to God their own views, and next bow down before these in an ecstasy of reverence as though they were an emanation of Divinity." So, for Luther and the rest, they may very well seem to be. Actually " What is now standing up in opposition to the papacy is no longer the Bible, but Luther, Zwingli, Calvin -- all three equally and most intimately convinced of the eternal truth of their conflicting doctrines "; while " the Protestants of the sixteenth century found themselves in the end bent under a yoke of doctrinal authority that was no less external, no less absolute, and no less human than the yoke they had cast off." op. cit., 398, 400, 401.

1238 DE LAGARDE, ib., 196, quoting Von Kriege wider die Turken (1529); Weimar edition Vol. XXX, p. 109

1239 cf. MESNARD, op. cit., Francois de Vittoria et la liquidation de l'imperialisme, pp. 454-472, and Francois Suarez: la Souverainte nationale dans l'Ordre internationale pp. 617-662

1240 About the reality of the difference cf. Canon Simpson in HASTINGS, Ency. of Religion and Ethics, Vol. III, p. 619 (1914) article on Justification. " The distinction [between the Catholic and Lutheran views] is not merely a matter of terms, but has an important bearing upon the Christian character. The provision of aids, however powerful, for the attainment of justification must have an entirely different effect upon the daily life of the believer from the assurance of a reconciliation already freely won.

1241 The evidence here is overwhelming and no one denies it. MESNARD, op. cit., 88 sums it up -- " Here, in the wake of an Austin Friar, a revolutionary Christianity is rising which reprobates reason as possessed by the devil, condemns without chance of appeal the whole culture of antiquity, and in place of the Christian philosophy, sets the image of a God who is jealous and arbitrary. It now becomes a necessity to defend culture and the Renaissance humanism against the radicalism of the Reformers."

1242 On all this cf. MARITAIN, op. cit., especially 34-50

1243 For which cf. GRISAR, Ch. XVI, Personal and Domestic Affairs §1 Engaging Characteristics

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INDEX